These letters were sent between March and July 43 B.C. The translation is by M. Cary (1954). Click on the L symbols to go to the Latin text of each letter. Click on ** to go to the translator's footnotes.
There has been a long-running debate among scholars about the authenticity of these letters, but it is now generally accepted that most of them are genuine. D.R. Shackleton Bailey, whose knowledge of Cicero's letters was second to none, considered that letters 24 and 25 (supposedly written by Brutus) were spurious, but that all the others were genuine.
Recent editors have abandoned the previous arrangement in which the letters were divided into two "books"; it was undoubtedly misleading. However, there is no agreement about a new system of numbering the letters, and each editor has followed his own instincts. The numbers shown in the translation are those used by W.S. Watt (Oxford, 1958). A concordance of the different letter numbers can be found at the end of the translation.
CONTENTS: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 [ 24 25 ] 26
[1] L ( 2.1 ) { end of March or start of April 43 }
CICERO TO BRUTUS
As I write this letter, the war is considered to have reached a highly critical stage. The news brought in by letters and by couriers about our friend ** Brutus is discouraging. Yet for my part I am not greatly disturbed ; for I simply cannot lose confidence in the armies and the generals now at our disposal, nor can I fall in with the prevailing opinion. For I have nothing to say against the loyalty of the consuls, which has come under sharp suspicion ; what I find lacking is good judgement and promptitude in several matters: had they shown this, we should have regained a free state long ago. For you do not need to be told how much turns on time in politics, and what a difference it makes to the self-same policy, whether one is beforehand or belated in laying it down, taking it in hand, and carrying it into effect. Take all the drastic resolutions which have been voted in this emergency - if these had been implemented on the date when I spoke to the motion, instead of being put off from day to day, or if they had not been held back and postponed ever since they were adopted for translation into action, we should by now have the war off our hands.
2 Brutus, I have displayed in the service of the state all those qualities which should be shown by one who stands as I do in senatorial rank and popular estimation, and not merely those which should be demanded in a man as a matter of course - loyalty, watchfulness, love of country - for those are what no man may withhold. Now my view is that he who takes the lead in stating an opinion on public affairs should display sagacity into the bargain ; and seeing that I have taken so much upon myself as to grasp the helm of state, I should consider myself no less worthy of censure if my advice to the Senate were unpractical than if it were disloyal.
3 I know that you receive full and accurate accounts of past and present doings ; but coming from me, this is what I would have you understand, that I for one have my spirit in the fight and am not looking for any line of retreat, unless by any chance be the interest of the community should make me change my front. But most men regard you and Cassius as their standby. Therefore, Brutus, please understand that if the present campaign goes in our favour, the reform of the state will be incumbent upon you ; or else, if we have a set-back, it will be for you to retrieve the state.
CICERO TO BRUTUS
Of Plancus' splendid loyalty to the state, of his legions, auxiliary forces and equipment, you have been able to get a clear idea from his letter, ** of which I think you received a copy. As for your bosom friend Lepidus, ** who hates his connexions by marriage only one degree less than he hates his brother, I believe you will by now have realised from the letters of your own family that he is lacking in principle and consistency, and is chronically ill-disposed to the free state.
2 We are haunted by a feeling of suspense, which is now wholly centred on our extremely critical position; for all our hopes are set on the relief of Brutus, about whom we are exceedingly anxious.
3 Here I am having trouble enough with that mad man Servilius. I have put up with him longer than my self-respect would allow ; yet I did put up with him for the state's sake, for fear I should present him to the desperadoes ** as a rallying-point - a man, you know, who is lacking in sense, but to offset that he is a nobleman. Even so, they are rallying round him ; but I thought I ought not to provoke him to disaffection. - I have done with my complaisance to him, for he is becoming so rude as to treat us like so many slaves. In the matter of Plancus, to be sure, he blazed up with extraordinary bitterness, and for two whole days he battled with me so fiercely and received such a mauling from me, that I hope he will mend his manners for once and all. Oh, and in the very middle of the duel, just while we were having it out, a letter dated April 9 was handed to me in the Senate; it was from our friend Lentulus =/5= and brought news of Cassius, the legions, and of Syria. I had hardly finished reading it out, than Servilius collapsed, and a number of others with him ; for there are several persons of note whose attitude is quite unscrupulous. But what exasperated Servilius most of all was that I gained my point in the matter of Plancus. That is an impressive indication of the trend of politics. But take my word for it, the present mood won't last.
April 11.
BRUTUS TO CICERO
I anxiously await the letter which you wrote on receipt of the news of our campaign and of the death of Trebonius. ** I feel sure it contains for me an orderly statement of your policy. A foul crime has taken from us an excellent citizen and has wrested from us the control of a province. To retrieve it is no (?) trouble ; but it will be none the less a humiliation and a scandal that we should have to retrieve the loss instead of preventing it.
2 Antonius ** is still with me. But I'll take my oath upon it, I am being moved by the man's entreaties, and I am afraid that the passionate feelings of several persons may snatch him away. I am in a downright fever. If I but knew what you would have me do, I should be free from worry, for I should be convinced that you know best. Therefore let me know as soon as possible what you think right.
3 Our friend Cassius holds Syria and the Syrian legions : Murcus and Marcius and the troops themselves actually called him in before he made a move. I have written to my sister Tertia and my mother not to publish the report of this splendid and most fortunate exploit of Cassius before ascertaining what you would advise, and what you think of it.
4 I have read your two speeches, the one which you delivered on January 1, and the other on my dispatches, when you spoke in opposition to Calenus. ** Now I'll warrant you are waiting for me to pay you compliments on them. I cannot say whether these pamphlets are a higher testimonial to your fine spirit or to your wealth of genius. I readily grant you that they should be dubbed "Philippics," if you like : that is the title you jestingly gave them in one of your letters.
5 We stand in want of two things, Cicero, money and fresh drafts. The latter it is in your power to make available: you can send us a contingent from where you are, either by a private understanding with Pansa, or by proceedings in the Senate ; the former could come from the Senate directly. The need for the former, which is just as great in the armies of the other generals as in mine, makes me regret so much the more the loss of Asia. ** I hear that Dolabella. ** is harrying it to such effect that his murder of Trebonius no longer strikes me as his most fiendish atrocity. All the same, Vetus Antistius has met part of my needs with a money contribution.
6 Your son Cicero ** gives makes such a good impression on me in respect of his energy, power of endurance, application, high spirits, in a word, in every helpful quality, that he seems never for a moment to forget whose son he is. Therefore, seeing that I cannot contrive to make you hold him in still higher affection (for he is the apple of your eyes), I ask you, in deference to my considered opinion, to assure yourself that he will not need to rely on your renown in order to attain his father's high rank.
Dyrrhachium, April 1.
CICERO TO BRUTUS
Early on April 11 I handed a letter to Scaptius, ** and on the same day received the note dispatched by you on the evening of April 1. On the morning of April 12, accordingly, having ascertained from Scaptius that the messengers to whom I had given my note on the previous day were not yet on the way, and were now on the point of starting out, I am jotting down this short postscript even while my morning callers are thronging round me.
2 I am glad about Cassius ; and my congratulations go to the state, and also to myself, seeing that it was I who proposed in opposition to Pansa and in disregard of his anger, that Cassius should be charged with the operations against Dolabella. Yes, and I defiantly announced that he was already engaged on that campaign without waiting for our commission from the Senate. In the same session I made such reference to you as seemed appropriate. My speech shall be communicated to you, for I observe that you take a delight in our "Philippics."
3 In answer to your inquiry about Antonius, my view is that he ought to be kept in detention until we know the result of Brutus' campaign. I gather from the letter which you sent me that Dolabella is harrying Asia and is behaving atrociously in it. And yet you have written to quite a number of people that Dolabella had been shut out from Rhodes ; but if he went as far as Rhodes, it looks to me as if he had left Asia. If that is a fact, I recommend that you should stay where you are; but once he has captured Rhodes - if that happens, believe me, you must pursue him into Asia at once. It seems to me you could do nothing better at this time.
4 Touching upon your remark that you are short of two necessaries, fresh drafts and money, ** I am puzzled what to propose to you. I cannot think of any expedients to which in my view you could have recourse, except the resolutions which the Senate carried, that you should raise a loan among the free communities. But I do not see what can be done about reinforcements ; for Pansa is so little disposed to let you have any part of his army or of his new levies, that he even takes offence at the numbers which are joining you as volunteers. According to my own belief, he estimates that no force can be too large for the operations which are being decided on in Italy ; but the reason which many people surmise is that he wants no one, not even you, to make too firm a stand. This suspicion I do not share.
5 You say that you wrote to your sister and your mother, not to make known the successes of Cassius before I thought proper. I see you were afraid, as you had a right to be, lest the Caesarian party, which is the name still being given to that body, should be badly upset. But before we received your note the story was out and had become common property ; your own couriers too had delivered correspondence to many acquaintances of yours. To suppress the news was therefore false policy, especially as that was not practicable ; and we thought that, supposing it were possible, we should all the same publish it rather than keep it dark.
6 As for my son Cicero, if there is as much in him as you tell me, I am of course as glad as I should be ; or again, if your fondness for him makes you exaggerate, your very excess gives me immense pleasure at the thought that you are his good friend.
CICERO TO BRUTUS
I believe you have heard from your family which of your letters was read out in the Senate on April 13, and of Antony's letter being read at the same time. I yield to none of your folk in my concern for you ; but there is no need for all of us to tell the same story. My special duty is to inform you of my impressions about the general condition of this war, of my considered opinion and my personal feeling on it. My ideals on the main political issue have always been the same as yours, Brutus; my way of thinking in certain matters (I do not say in all) was perhaps a little more drastic. You know that it was always my resolve that the state should be freed not merely of a monarch but of monarchy. You took a more lenient view, and this was altogether to your undying credit ; but which was the better policy we have been made to feel to our bitter sorrow, and are experiencing at our great peril. At that time, not so long ago, your supreme goal was peace, which could not be won by oratory; mine was liberty, which without peace is an illusion. I considered that peace as well as liberty could be secured by force of arms. The party that called for arms was thoroughly in earnest; yet we stifled their enthusiasm and damped down their ardour.
2 Consequently things came to such a pass, that if divine inspiration had not come to Caesar Octavianus, ** we should have had to fall under the power of that utter desperado, that foul wretch, Marcus Antonius, and you can see what a struggle, and how hard-fought, we have even now with him. This conflict of course would be non-existent, if Antony's life had not then been spared. ** But I say nothing of this, for your unforgettable and almost superhuman exploit disarms all criticism, indeed I cannot even match it with really adequate words of praise. In these last days you have asserted yourself in a sterner guise ; by your own effort you have in a short time raised sufficient troops, supplies and legions. Heavens, what a piece of news that was, what a bulletin! How gladdened was the Senate, and how elated the citizens! I never saw such an unanimous expression of praise for anything. Curiosity was rife concerning Antonius' remnant, after you had taken most of his cavalry and legions from him. In this case too it heard the result for which it had hoped ; for your dispatch, which was read out in the Senate, proclaims the gallantry of commander and soldiers alike, and the good work of your staff, including my son Cicero. If only your kinsfolk had agreed to a motion on this dispatch and had not been caught in a period of great disorder after the departure of the consul Pansa, a vote of homage to the immortal gods would also have been passed, as is usual and proper.
3 Now just imagine ! On the morning of April 13 Celer Pilius ** came scurrying in. Good gods, what a man! What dignified bearing! What aplomb! What a fine figure he cuts on the political scene! This fellow brings two dispatches, one from you, the other from Antony ; he hands them to Servilius the tribune of the plebs, who passes them on to Cornutus. ** They are read out in the Senate: "Antonius, proconsul." We were quite taken aback, as if we had heard the words "Dolabella, imperator." He too, to be sure, had sent couriers, but there was nobody like Pilius who had the audacity to exhibit them or hand them over to the magistrates. Your letter was read out - that note which had little indeed to say but was decidedly lenient to Antony. The Senate was greatly astonished. For my part, I had no idea what course I should take. Was I to denounce the note as a forgery ? But suppose you had guaranteed your authorship! Was I to certify it? But that would have let you down !
4 So this day passed with nothing said. But next day, when everybody was talking about it, and the sight of Pilius gave people a bad shock, it was on my initiative that a discussion took place at all. I let myself go about the "proconsul Antonius." Sestius, who came after me, backed up my case. He had a word with me afterwards and warned me in what danger his son and mine, he thought, would stand, if they had borne arms against a "proconsul." You know the man: he did back me up. Others spoke besides. But our friend Labeo pointed out that the letter contained neither your signature nor a date-mark, and that you had not written as usual to your family. He offered this as certain evidence that the letter was a forgery and, if you care to know, he was carrying his point.
5 Now, Brutus, it is for you to advise me about the general conduct of the war. I observe that you glory in leniency and think that it carries the richest reward. An excellent principle, no doubt! But it is not conditions and times like these that give the usual and proper scope for a policy of pardon. At present, Brutus, what is afoot ? The hopes of impoverished desperadoes are grimly set on the temples of the immortal gods, and the issue at stake in this war is nothing else than whether we are to exist or not. To whom are we showing mercy ? Or what are we about? Are we then in this crisis having regard for men who, if theirs is the victory, will not leave a trace of us? For what is the difference between Dolabella and any one of the Antonius trio? ** If we show indulgence to any of these, our treatment of Dolabella ** was harsh. Though the logic of facts compelled the Senate and people of Rome to adopt this view, yet it was mainly at my prompting and by the weight of my support that this result was achieved. If you reject this way of thinking I shall speak up for your view, but without abandoning mine. Men do not look for any behaviour on your part that is either lax or vindictive. You may easily strike a balance in this case by dealing drastically with the leaders and showing generosity to the troops.
6 I would like you, my dear Brutus, to have my son Cicero at your side as much as possible. He will never obtain a better training in the manly arts than by studying and imitating you.
April 14.
CICERO TO BRUTUS
L. Clodius, a tribune of the plebs elect, has a great fondness or, to express myself more forcefully, a great love for me. Having satisfied myself of this, I have no doubt you will conclude (for you can read me like a book) that I love him in return. For it seems to me that nothing less becomes a man than to make no response to those who would draw you out in mutual love. I have had the impression that he suspects (and does so indeed to his own great distress) that his personal enemies have originated or rather transmitted to you some piece of news, so as to make you less well-disposed to him. It is not my habit, my dear Brutus - and I think you need not be told so - to make haphazard assertions about another man: the hidden motives of men and their complex natures make that a rash proceeding ; but Clodius' mind I have probed and tried and weighed up judicially. There are many revelations of it, but these need not be set down on paper, for I want you to take this as a formal deposition rather than a letter of recommendation. He has obtained promotion by favour of Antony, and Antony's favour was actually inspired in large measure by you. So he would like Antony to come to no harm, provided that we suffer none.
2 But he realises (for he is, as you know, anything but dull-witted) that it has come to this, that both parties cannot be secure. For this reason he prefers us to be so, indeed his remarks and his feelings in regard to you are most friendly. Therefore if anyone has represented him otherwise to you in a letter or in conversation, I beg you insistently to take my word in preference, seeing that I have better means of judging than his traducer (whoever he may be), and I have a greater affection for you. Let Clodius rank in your esteem as a very good friend and as a citizen of such worth as his ample good sense and his abundant fortune ought to make him.
CICERO TO BRUTUS
My note had already been written and sealed up when your letter came to hand with its big budget of news, and most astonishing of all, that Dolabella had sent five cohorts to the Chersonese. Is he so over-provided with troops, that when reported in flight from Asia he should make a dash at Europe ? But five cohorts! Whatever did he expect to achieve with those, when you had five legions in the same quarter, an excellent cavalry and very strong auxiliary forces? Indeed, seeing that the bandit has committed such a mad act, I hope that by now those cohorts are in your possession.
2 I heartily commend your strategy, in that you did not move your army from Apollonia and Dyrrhachium until you had heard of the flight of Antony, of Brutus' sortie, of the Roman people's victory. Therefore when you decided (as you inform me) to conduct your army to the Chersonese and not to suffer that utter scoundrel of an enemy to insult the sovereignty of Rome, your action is in keeping with your high position and in the interests of the state.
3 As for the mutiny which was caused, so you say, by the intrigues of C. Antonius among the fourteenth legion, you will take it in good part - I think better of the strong measures taken by the troops than of your leniency . . .
[8] L ( 1.2 § 3-6 ) { 17 April 43 }
CICERO TO BRUTUS
3 . . . I am delighted to hear that you found the army and the mounted troops well disposed. 4 If, as you say, you have news of Dolabella, you will let me know. I rejoice that in his case I made timely provision, so that you should be free to decide whether to make war on Dolabella. As I perceived at the time, my action closely concerned the interests of the state ; as I now judge matters, it concerns your honour.
5You remark that I (?) took plenty of time before I opened my attack on the Antonii, and you commend me for this. Well, I do believe that this is your point of view. But nothing could induce me to accept that distinction which you draw. You say that we should display more zeal in preventing civil wars than in wreaking vengeance on the vanquished. I heartily disagree with you, Brutus, and I cannot defer to your leniency. No, a wholesome sternness carries the day against the vain show of leniency ! Why, if we choose to be lenient, there will never be a lack of civil wars! But this is for you to look into. To myself I can apply the same words as the father uses in Plautus' "Trinummus" : **
My life is all but over; but for you This matter is of close concern.
6 Take my word for it, Brutus, you will all be overwhelmed, if you will not look ahead ; for you will not find the people ever unchanging, nor the Senate, nor the leaders of the Senate. Take this utterance as voiced from the oracle of the Pythian Apollo; nothing could be more true.
April 17.
[9] L ( 1.3 § 1-3 ) { c. 21 April 43 }
CICERO TO BRUTUS
Our cause seems in better circumstance; for I know for sure that you have been informed about our achievements. ** The consuls have shown themselves true to their character, as I have often described it to you. But the boy Caesar ** is marvellously well endowed with manly character. If only I could direct and hold him, now that he is gathering strength from his official position and patronage, as easily as I have held him hitherto! That is altogether a harder task, though I am not losing confidence for all that ; for the young man has made up his mind - and it was I who chiefly impressed it upon him - that we owe our safety to his efforts ; and to be sure, if he had not drawn Antony away from the city, all would have been lost.
2 And yet, three or four days before this glorious event the entire citizen body, as if unnerved with fear, was inclined to stream out to you with family and all; yet on April 20 they had recovered their nerve and would rather that you should come here than that they should go to you. That was the day on which I gathered the full harvest of my hard toil and frequent vigils, if any substantial harvest can indeed come from a well-founded and genuine renown ; for the crowd that flocked round me was as vast as our city could contain. I was escorted by it right up to the Capitol and then was made to take my stand on the rostra amid huge acclamation and applause. I am not at all being vain; there is no justification for that. But all the same, I am deeply impressed by the unanimity of all classes, by their thanksgivings and felicitations, and for this reason, that it is glorious to achieve popularity in the cause of the people's safety. But I would sooner you heard about this from others.
3 Please spare no pains to keep me informed of your position and your policy, and bear in mind that your generosity must not give an impression of a lack of firm purpose. This is the Senate's, this is the people's conviction, that no enemy ever deserved more richly the utmost rigour of punishment than those citizens who took up arms against their country in this war. These are the men whom I castigate and pursue in all my pronouncements, with the approval of all loyal men. You must judge for yourself how you feel about this ; my feeling is that the three brothers are one and all in the same case.
[10] L ( 1.3 § 4 ) { 27 April 43 }
CICERO TO BRUTUS
4 We have lost two consuls, good men both, but nothing more than good. Hirtius to be sure met his death in the hour of victory, after he had won another victory in a great battle a few days earlier. ** They were his victories, for Pansa had taken to flight with wounds which he could not endure. The remnants of the enemy are being pursued by Brutus and Caesar. ** Now all those who have attached themselves to Marcus Antonius' party have been declared public enemies, and according to the general construction put upon it this resolution of the Senate applies also to your captives or those who surrendered to you. For my part I used no specially harsh language when I pronounced on Gaius Antonius by name, because I had decided that the Senate must obtain the facts of the case from you.
April 27.
[11] L ( 1.4 § 1-3 ) { 7 May 43 }
BRUTUS TO CICERO **
It is easier for you to imagine than for me to express in writing how delighted I was to be informed of the doings of our friend Brutus ** and of the consuls. Of all the events, that which earns my highest praise and gives me most satisfaction is that Brutus' sortie not only secured his own safety, but contributed more than anything to the victory.
2 You tell me that the case of the three Antonii is one and the same, and that it is for me to form my own conclusions. I have only this one rule to lay down, that judgement on those citizens who escaped death in battle belongs to the Senate and people of Rome. "Ah," you will exclaim, "you are wrong in what you just said, in that you give the name of citizens to men who are enemies of the state in intention!" No, no, I am absolutely right! For I will not presume to pass a premature judgement on a case on which the Senate has not yet formulated an opinion nor the people expressed its will, nor will I call away the case for my private decision. In this I stand firm: in dealing with a man ** whom the force of circumstances did not oblige me to kill, I have not robbed him of anything in a spirit of vindictiveness, nor have I carelessly given anything away to him, but I have retained him in my power for the war's duration. Nay, I consider it far more honourable and more permissible under the state's authority to refrain from pressing hard on the plight of the stricken than to lavish without stint upon the powerful such gifts as may inflame their greed and insolence.
3 In this matter, Cicero, you best and bravest of men, and deservedly dearest to me both on my own and on the public account, I think your hopes colour your beliefs overmuch, and as soon as any man has taken some right step, you are over-hasty in granting him everything and putting all at his disposal, as though it were against the laws of Nature that a man should have his head turned by immoderate favours and be perverted to wicked purposes. A man of your high character will take my warning in good spirit, the more so as it touches on our common safety. All the same, you will act as you see fit. I too, when you have informed me, . . .
[12] L ( 1.4 § 3-6 ) { 15 May 43 }
BRUTUS TO CICERO
3 . . . Now, Cicero, now we must so act, that our rejoicings over the crushing of Antony shall not prove delusive, and that the agency by which we seek to remove each evil as it presents itself shall not always be the means of producing a worse evil in its stead. 4 For no disaster which may befall us through lack of foresight or through hesitation can fail to bring discredit on all, of us, but especially on you, whom the Senate and people of Rome allow, nay desire to wield as great a degree of authority as a free state can commit to one man. This authority you must protect, not by your loyal sentiment alone, but by your sagacity. Moreover, your sagacity, of which you have enough and to spare, is all that we ask for - save for some moderation in the bestowal of high office.
You have everything else in such abundance, that your merits would bear comparison with any of the ancient worthies; but one thing is lacking as the outcome of a grateful and generous disposition, that this generosity should be tempered by greater prudence and a keener sense of proportion. For the Senate should not bestow upon anyone such gifts as may provide a precedent or position of vantage to men with evil designs. That is why I feel alarmed about the consulship, lest your Caesar should think that your decrees had raised him to such a pinnacle that, once elected to a consulship, he should refuse to climb down from it.
5 Why, if Antony found in the equipment of monarchy left by another man an opportunity of making himself a monarch, how do you think it will affect a man if he should imagine himself free to covet any sort of sovereign power, and this at the prompting, not of a slain tyrant, but of the Senate itself? Therefore I shall extol your readiness and your foresight on the day when I begin to feel convinced that Caesar will be content with such extraordinary honours as he may receive. "Then you will hold me to account for the failings of others?" you will say. Yes, for others' faults, no less, if they could have been prevented by a display of foresight! I say this, because I wish you could gain insight into my apprehensions about that man !
6 After writing this note I heard that you had been made consul. If I see that come true, then indeed I shall begin to visualise a free state true to its name and standing firmly once more on its own feet. Your son is well, and I have sent him in advance to Macedonia with a troop of horse.
May 15, in camp.
CICERO TO BRUTUS
On April 27, when the debate was on concerning measures of war against those who have been declared public enemies, Servilius went on to speak about Ventidius, ** and proposed that Cassius should take the field against Dolabella. I gave him my support and added this rider, that you should take the field against Dolabella, if you should decide that this was expedient and in the interests of the state ; but that if you were not in a position to do so with advantage to the state, or if you reckoned it bad policy, you should keep your army in its present position. The Senate could not have paid you a greater compliment than to leave it to your discretion what you considered to be most in the public interest. My own opinion is that if Dolabella has an armed band, a fortified position, any place where he can make a stand, your cause and your high position demand that you should go after him.
2 I know nothing about the forces of our friend Cassius, for I have had no letter from him in person, and no news in which I could have assurance has come in. But you understand of course how important it is that Dolabella should be overcome, partly that he may pay the full penalty of his crime, but also to deprive the robber-chiefs who have fled from Mutina of a rallying-point. And indeed you may recall from my previous correspondence that I favoured this course for some time back, although your camp was then our haven of refuge and your army the last guarantee of our safety. Now that, as I hope, we are free from danger, we ought all the more to be taken up with the overthrow of Dolabella. But you will ponder over this with particular care, and you will summon wisdom to your resolve. You will, if you think fit, let us know what decision you have reached, and what measures you are taking.
3 I want my son Cicero to be co-opted into your college. ** I reckon that it is quite possible to take absent persons into consideration at the elections of priests. In fact, this has been done before now, for when Gaius Marius was in Cappadocia, he was made augur under the Lex Domitia, and no statute has ruled out this procedure for the future. There is also a phrase in the Julian law, ** the latest measure to regulate the priesthoods : "whosoever shall make application or be taken into consideration." This plainly implies that a person not applying may also be taken into consideration. I have written to him, so that he may avail himself of your advice on this as on all other matters ; but it is for you to settle the case of Domitius and our friend Cato. And yet, although it may be lawful to take an absent person into consideration, everything is made easier all the same for those who are present; and if you decide that you must go to Asia, there will be no opportunity of summoning our candidates to the polls.
4 If Pansa were still alive, I believe that everything all round would have moved faster, for he would have held the election for his new colleague without loss of time, and then the elections for the priesthoods would have preceded those for the praetorships. Now I can see that the auspices will cause a long delay ; for so long as an individual patrician remains in the magistracy, the auspices cannot revert to the patriciate. ** Quite a confused situation, I do declare! I wish you would let me know your opinion on the whole question.
May 5.
BRUTUS TO CICERO **
Don't wait for me to express my thanks to you. In view of our intimacy, which has risen to the highest degree of friendliness, we ought long ago to have dispensed with this formality. Your son has parted company with me; we are to meet again in Macedonia. He is under orders to conduct a troop of horse from Ambracia by way of Thessaly. I have written to him to rejoin me at Heraclea. When I see him, we shall confer and come to an arrangement - since you are leaving the matter in our hands - for him to return to stand for election or to obtain a recommendation.
2 To you I most earnestly recommend Glycon, the doctor of Pansa, who has the sister of our friend Achilles as his wife. I hear he has fallen under Torquatus' ** suspicion in connexion with the death of Pansa, and is being kept in custody as a murderer. Nothing could deserve less credence, for to whom has Pansa's death dealt a worse disaster? Besides, he is steady and a worthy fellow who, you would think, could not even be driven to crime by the prospect of gain. I beg you, yes, I beg you insistently (for our man Achilles is as much perturbed as the occasion demands), rescue him from detention and keep him safe. I consider that this is as clear a case as any of a call to duty in a private affair.
3 While I was writing this note, I was handed a dispatch from Satrius, the legate of Trebonius, that Dolabella had been cut up and routed by Tillius ** and Deiotarus. I have sent you a letter in Greek from a certain Cicereius to Satrius.
4 Our friend Flavius ** has chosen you arbiter in a dispute about a legacy which he has on hand with the people of Dyrrhachium. ** I beg you, Cicero, and Flavius begs you, to settle the matter. It is not in doubt that the person who appointed Flavius as his heir had money owed to him by the city, and the people of Dyrrhachium do not deny it ; but they allege that the debt was remitted in their favour by Caesar. Do not suffer a wrong to be done to my close friend by yours.
May 19, in camp, at the base of the Candavia valley.
[15] L ( 1.7 ) { c. 22 June 43 }
BRUTUS TO CICERO
You have been such a stout champion of the state, and have shown such anxious care for it, that no one can appraise better than you how fond I ought to be of L. Bibulus. ** In view of this, either consideration ought to win your interest in him, his own merits or my intimacy with him. That is all the more reason, I think, for my not writing at length ; for my wish ought to carry weight with you, granted that it is reasonable, and that I am seeking to realise it as in duty bound to oblige a friend. He has decided to apply for Pansa's place ** ; we beg you to nominate him for it. You could not bestow a favour on a closer friend than I am to you, nor nominate a more worthy candidate than Bibulus.
2 As for Domitius and Apuleius, ** what concern of mine is it to write, since they stand high in your favour by virtue of their own personalities? Apuleius, you know, has a claim to be supported by your influence. But Apuleius will receive a testimonial in his own letter. Do not deprive Bibulus of your fostering-care: he is already a man of such calibre that, believe me, he may in the course of his development be shown to deserve the eulogies of us (?) who support him.
[16] L ( 1.18 ) { end of May or early June 43 }
CICERO TO BRUTUS
I shall recommend large numbers of men to you, and recommend them I must needs. For all the worthiest men and citizens pay the highest regard to your judgement, and all stout-hearted men want to work heart and soul for you, and there is none but holds the view that my claim to your deference and gratitude carry great weight with you.
2 But C. Nasennius from the municipium of Suessa, I recommend to you with special earnestness. In the Cretan war, ** under the command of Metellus, he was first centurion of the eighth cohort. In the years to follow he attended to his family affairs. At the present time, under the compelling influence of party loyalty and of your pre-eminent high rank, he wants to obtain through you some position of authority. I recommend him to you, Brutus, as a gallant man, a man of distinction and, if this is relevant to the case, of ample means. I shall be deeply obliged, if you give him such treatment that he may be able to thank me on the strength of your good deed.
[17] L ( 1.9 ) { c. 18 June 43 }
CICERO TO BRUTUS
I should discharge the same friendly duty which you performed on the occasion of my bereavement, ** and should send you a letter of condolence, did I not know that you do not require for your bereavement ** those words of comfort with which you mitigated my grief, and I hope you will now achieve an easier cure in your own case than you did then in mine. A man of your strength of character would indeed be untrue to himself, if he were not able to accomplish in his own case what he had advised to some other person. For my part, the arguments which you had mustered, and also your moral influence, deterred me from extravagant mourning ; for when I appeared to you to bear up with less resolution than befitted a man, especially one who was in the habit of consoling others, you wrote me a reproving letter in terms more severe than your usual style would admit.
2 Therefore, as I attached great value to your judgement and feared your reproof, I pulled myself together and took the lessons which I had taught and studied and took them more to heart, when you reinforced them with your moral weight. Yes, and I, Brutus, was at that time under no obligation except to the social code and the law of Nature ; but you must now play up to the public and the stage you hold, as the saying goes. For when the gaze of your soldiers, and not only of them, but of all citizens and of almost the entire world is centred upon you, it would be scandalous for a man who inspires the rest of us with greater courage to exhibit in his own case a weak spirit. For this reason, although you have suffered pain (for what you lost never had its like on earth), and under such a heavy blow you must needs sorrow, lest your complete imperviousness to pain should afflict you worse than the pain itself; yet moderation in grief, which is expedient in others, is indispensable for you.
3 I should write more, were it not that what I have written is too long, when addressed to you. We are waiting for you and your army ; without it we think we shall scarcely attain sufficient freedom, even though all else should fall out as we have planned. I shall write more about the general political situation and perhaps shall give you more certain news in the letter which I propose to give to our friend Vetus.
[18] L ( 1.10 ) { middle of June 43 }
CICERO TO BRUTUS
I have so far received no letter from you, no, nor even a rumour to notify me that you were acquainted with the Senate's resolution and were bringing an army to Italy. The republic is most anxious that you should do so, and that quickly, for our home troubles are growing more serious every day, and our difficulties with our enemies in the field are no greater than with those inside the gate. These enemies were present since the very beginning of the war, but it used to be easier to suppress them. The Senate had been encouraged, not only by our formal statements of opinion, but also by our calls to action, to take up a stiffer attitude. In the Senate Pansa displayed sufficient energy and zeal in dealing with the others of this sort and especially with his father-in-law ** ; in his consulship he showed no lack of spirit from the outset, and no lack of loyalty at the end.
2 The operations at Mutina were being conducted in such a manner that no fault could be found with Caesar, albeit a certain amount with Hirtius. The luck of this war was "Frail for prosperous times, but good for times of woe." The republic was victorious when Antony's forces were cut up and he himself driven off. After that Brutus committed so many blunders that victory, as it were, slipped out of his grasp. Our leaders failed to pursue a demoralised, disarmed and badly mauled army, and time was given to Lepidus to exhibit that fickleness of his, which has often shown through in worse disasters. The troops of Brutus and Plancus are sound, but lacking in experience; the Gallic auxiliaries are entirely loyal, and strong in numbers.
3 But Caesar, who had hitherto been guided by my advice, and is a man of splendid natural endowment and remarkable firmness of character, has been instigated by some utterly unscrupulous letters from certain quarters, and by deceitful agents and messengers, to reckon with complete certainty on a consulship. As soon as I became aware of this, I neither ceased to send him warning letters in his absence, nor to upbraid to their face his intimates who appeared to be pandering to his greed, and in the Senate I never hesitated to disclose the sources of those most criminal suggestions. And yet, to be sure, I cannot remember on any occasion a more patriotic Senate or boards of magistrates; for it has never yet happened that when an irregular office was being claimed by a powerful, or rather by an overwhelmingly strong personage ** (for to be sure power now rests on physical force and armed might), that not a tribune of the plebs, not a magistrate of any other rank, not a private member came forward with a motion to that effect. But in the face of this firmness and manly bearing the citizens felt none the less uneasy; for, Brutus, the troops with their capricious attitude and the general with his brazen demands, both of them are making play with us. Every man claims for himself a power in the state proportionate to his military strength; reason, moderation, legality, tradition, loyalty carry no weight; trained judgement, public opinion, respect for posterity go for nothing.
4 Foreseeing this a long time in advance, I was making my escape from Italy at the moment when the stir which was caused by your proclamations called me back ; but it was you at Velia, Brutus, who roused me to action. For although I was loth to set foot in a city from which you were fleeing after you had set it free - an experience which had once befallen me under similar conditions of danger, but by a more distressing turn of events - I held my course all the same and made my way to Rome and without any military protection I shook up Antony, and in defiance of his armed ruffians, by my guidance and influence I strengthened the forces of defence that offered themselves under Caesar. If he will stand immutable and follow my lead, I believe that we can count on adequate protection; but if the promptings of those villains carry more weight with him than my advice, or if the infirmity of my old age falters under the weight of my commitments, all our hopes reside in you. Therefore come flying, I implore you, and definitely set free the state which hitherto you have freed by your manly bearing and greatness of mind rather than by the actual outcome of events. Everyone is ready to flock to you.
5 Write to Cassius and urge him to the same course. Our hope of freedom dwells nowhere but in the headquarters of your camp. In the West our generals and our troops are absolutely steadfast. I feel confident indeed that the defence which the young man provides here stands firm; but so many hands are causing him to waver that I am sometimes filled with alarm lest he should give way.
You have the whole political situation, just as it is at the time of my sending off this letter. I could wish that it will improve with the march of events. But should it be otherwise (may heaven avert the omen !), my sorrow will go to the republic, for this by rights should be immune from death. As for myself, how little have I left to me !
[19] L ( 1.11 ) { first half of June 43 }
BRUTUS TO CICERO
Vetus Antistius is so good a patriot that he would, I doubt not, have stood forth as an enthusiastic champion of the common liberty in the face of Caesar and Antony, if he had been able to meet the emergency. When he came across Dolabella with infantry and mounted troops in Achaia, he preferred to brave any danger from a covert attack by a bandit who is quite prepared for any trick, than to offer the appearance of having given money, whether under duress or of his own free will, to an utterly villainous and unscrupulous fellow ; and the same man has offered and actually made us a free gift of 2,000,000 sestertii out of his funds and has presented himself in person and come to my side - a service which I prize far more highly.
2 We were anxious to induce him to stay in the camp as an independent commander {imperator} and defend the free state. He has decided that this course is not open to him, seeing that he has disbanded his forces. But he assured us that he would return to me with a legate's commission, were it not that the consuls were about to hold elections for the praetorships. I mention this, for since this was what he felt about his political career, I strongly urged him not to put off the time of his candidature. What he has done should earn the gratitude of all men, if they but recognise that this army of mine is of service to the state ; but you should feel all the more obliged to him, as you have shown more spirit and won more renown in defence of our liberty, and will crown your career with a higher honour, if our policy should be favoured with the result for which we hope. I too, my dear Cicero, beg you particularly and as a close friend to be kind to Vetus and to wish him all possible distinction. Though nothing could deter him from his resolve, yet encouragement and generous treatment from you may stimulate him to adhere to his decision and persist in it all the more firmly. And you will do me a great favour.
[20] L ( 1.12 ) { early July 43 }
CICERO TO BRUTUS
Although I shall be handing a letter to Messalla Corvinus directly, all the same I do not want our friend Vetus to come to you without a note from me. Brutus, the state is in a highly dangerous situation, and we who won the day are obliged to stake our whole fortunes once more. This has befallen us through the wickedness and sheer folly of Lepidus. In a time like this the task which I have shouldered on the state's behalf is causing me much vexation, but nothing vexes me more than that I cannot yield to the entreaties of your mother and your sister; as for yourself, I believe it will be an easy matter to meet your wishes, and that is what matters most. The case of Lepidus cannot possibly be considered apart from that of Antony ; indeed the general opinion is that he was the more hardened villain, in that Lepidus had been honoured by the Senate with the highest marks of distinction, yes, and a few days before he had sent to the Senate an admirable dispatch ; yet all of a sudden he has not only given refuge to the remnant of the enemy, but is conducting a campaign by land and sea with the utmost vigour ; and how the issue of this campaign will fall out cannot be foreseen. Therefore when we are asked to show some measure of pity for his children, there is no effective guarantee that we may not have to endure the most cruel punishment, if the father of the boys should be the victor (and I pray to Heaven that my foreboding may not come true).
2 Of course I am well aware how harsh it is that the sins of the parents should be expiated by punishment of the sons ; but this is an excellent provision of our laws, so that affection for their children should make parents hold the state more dear. Thus it is Lepidus who is cruel towards his children, not the man who pronounces Lepidus a public enemy. And again, suppose that after laying down his arms he had been sentenced by court on a charge of breaking the peace - and on such a count he certainly could not offer a defence - his children would suffer the same injury through the confiscation of their estate. And yet the very treatment which your mother and sister wish to spare the boys, Lepidus, Antonius and the other public enemies proclaim that this and many other and harsher penalties shall be inflicted on us. Therefore in this crisis our chief hope resides in you and your army. It is of the most urgent importance for the whole future of the state, and for your reputation and prestige, that you should come to Italy without losing a moment, as I have told you before ; for the state urgently needs both your strong forces, and your advice as well.
3 In consideration of his goodwill and his outstanding sense of duty towards you, I have given Vetus a hearty welcome, as you asked me in your letter ; and I recognised that he had a great enthusiasm and affection for you and for the free state. I hope to see my son Cicero before long; for I am confident that he will be coming with you to Italy, and coming quickly.
BRUTUS TO CICERO
My fear of what is to follow makes me feel alarmed about M. Lepidus. If he has bolted from us - and I would like to hope that people's suspicions about him are unfounded and do him injustice - I beg and entreat you, Cicero, in the name of our close friendship and your kindly feelings towards me, forget that the children of my sister are the sons of Lepidus, and imagine that I now stand in the position of father to them. If I can obtain this request of you, there is nothing, I am sure, that you will hesitate to undertake on their behalf. Each man orders his family life differently ; in the case of my sister's children nothing that I can do could give full expression to my goodwill and sense of duty towards them. What gift indeed can I accept from loyal citizens - supposing that I am worthy of any gifts - or what assistance am I to offer to my mother or sister or those boys, if in your eyes and those of the Senate their uncle Brutus carries no weight against their father Lepidus?
2 I am too much worried and chagrined to write to you at length, nor is that my duty. For if in such an important and intimate matter I must expend words in order to rouse your interest and make up your mind, there is no hope of your doing what I wish and what duty bids. Therefore don't expect a long supplication. Look into my heart: it is I who have a right to this favour from you, either on private considerations, because you are Cicero, my intimate friend, or, personal ties apart, because of your consular rank and record. Please inform me as soon as possible in a return letter what you intend to do.
July 1, in camp.
[22] L ( 1.14 ) { 14 July 43 }
CICERO TO BRUTUS
That is a brief note of yours; brief, I say : or rather, it amounts to nothing. Can Brutus address me in days like these in three short lines? Had I been in your place, I should rather not have written at all. And you ask for a note from me! What courier of yours ever reached you without a letter of mine? And which letter did not have some weighty content? If these haven't been delivered to you, I conclude that not even your home correspondence has come to hand. You say you will give a longer letter to my son Cicero. Good so far, but this one too should be more substantial. For my part, as soon as you informed me that Cicero had parted company with you, I at once bundled off a courier and a note to Cicero, bidding him return to you, even if he had arrived in Italy ; for nothing could give me more satisfaction or give him more credit. And yet I had told him in several letters that the election for the priesthoods had been postponed to another year - a result for which I fought tooth and nail. I went to these pains both for the sake of Cicero and of Domitius, Cato, Lentulus, and the Bibuli ** ; this I notified to you also. But obviously you had not yet received word of it when you sent off that tiny note of yours to me.
2 Therefore, dear Brutus, I urge you most emphatically not to let my son Cicero leave you, but to bring him back with you ; and your own return, if you have any regard for the republic to which you are dedicated, must take place now and at once. For the war has re-started, and this on a large scale, thanks to the criminal act of Lepidus. And the forces of Caesar, which were excellent, are not merely of no use but even compel me to clamour for your army. If this is landed in Italy, no citizen worth the name will fail to betake himself to your camp. We have in our favour, it is true, the junction of Brutus with Plancus ** - a splendid achievement ; but you know well how uncertain are the minds of men when corrupted by party intrigue, and the issues of battles. Moreover if, as I hope, victory is ours, even so the situation will require the strong guidance of your counsel and your moral influence. By the gods, then, come to our rescue, and that with all possible speed, and be convinced that you did your country no greater service on the Ides of March, when you tore away the chains of servitude from your fellow-citizens, than you will yet render it, if you arrive promptly.
July 14
[23] L ( 1.15 ) { 11-27 July 43 }
CICERO TO BRUTUS
You have Messalla at your side. No matter how carefully I compose my letters, how can I contrive to explain with greater finesse what is happening and how the state stands, than he will report it? He is excellently informed about everything and can explain and convey it to you in the most accomplished style. You must not suppose, Brutus - though I need not tell you what you know already ; yet for all that I cannot pass over in silence his high pre-eminence in all noble pursuits - you must not imagine that in the matter of good character, firmness of purpose, conscientiousness, and zeal for the republic there is anything to approach him ; so much so that I think the art of oratory, in which he holds a wonderful supremacy, can scarcely provide a suitable eulogy for such a man! And yet his merit stands out all the more in this very expertness of knowledge : so severe was the judgement, so exacting the technique, with which he has trained himself in the soundest style of oratory. And his application is so great, he spends so many hours of the night in study, that most of the credit does not go to his natural endowment, which in his case is consummate !
2 But my affection is carrying me away ; for it is not the purpose of this letter to sing Messalla's praises, especially not to Brutus, who knows his merits as well as I, and knows even better these particular accomplishments which I am extolling. As I was bidding him a sorrowful good-bye, I had this one consolation, that in passing over to you - to my second self, as it were - he was performing a friendly duty and treading the path of high distinction. But enough of this !
3 I now come, at long last, to a certain letter, ** in which amid a mass of compliments you find one fault, that I am immoderate and as it were a spendthrift in votes of honour. That is what you say ; some one else perhaps will say that I am too harsh in the matter of censure and punishment - but maybe you say this as well If that is the case, I am anxious to make quite clear to you my opinion on either point, and this not only that I may appropriate a saying of Solon, who was the most eminent of the Seven Sages, and the only legislator of their number. He said that two things held a state together, reward and punishment. In either case of course a certain adherence to the mean is involved, as in all other things, and a certain moderation should be observed under both heads.
4 But this is not the place for a dissertation on so large a subject. Yet I do not think it amiss to set forth what principles I followed during this war in my formal statements of opinion.
You have not forgotten, Brutus, what I said after the death of Caesar and your memorable Ides of March, about your lost opportunities and the storm which was about to break over the state. A great pestilence had been driven off, thanks to you, a great stain on the Roman people had been wiped out, while for yourselves you had achieved undying fame ; but the apparatus of monarchy had been transferred to Lepidus and Antony; one of these was more of a turncoat, the other more of a ruffian, either of them dreaded peace and disliked tranquillity. While these men were burning with eagerness to plunge the state into chaos, we had no means of defence to set against them ; for while the citizens braced themselves up in a united resolve to retain their freedom, and I at that time showed an excess of zeal, you left the city which you had set free and dispensed with the devoted service which Italy was offering - and this was perhaps the more discreet course.
5 So when I saw that the city was in the power of cut-throats, and that neither you nor Cassius could live there in safety while it was being held down hy Antony with armed force, I decided that I also ought to leave it; for a community under the heel of scoundrels, with all possibility of relief cut off, was a shocking sight. But my spirit, which is immutably and for ever rooted in my country, could not endure that I should leave it in its hour of peril. Thus it was that midway on my course to Achaia, when a south wind in the season of the Etesian winds bore me back to Italy, as if in protest against my plan, I saw you at Velia, to my deep distress : for you were withdrawing, Brutus, - I say "withdrawing," since our Stoic teachers declare that the sage never "takes to flight."
6 On my arrival in Rome I at once took a stand against Antony's lawlessness and insanity. When I had drawn his anger upon me, I began to entertain plans in Brutus' own vein (for these plans are inbred in your family's blood) ** for the liberation of the state. What followed is a long story and need not be retold, for it is about me. I merely mention that this young Caesar, to whom we owe our survival (if we are willing to admit the truth), was motivated by the flow of my advice.
7 I obtained for him marks of honour, Brutus, but none that were unearned or superfluous. For as we made a first beginning of recovering our liberty at a time when not even the heroic courage of Decimus Brutus had yet been roused to action so far as to give us an assurance of freedom regained, and our entire defence rested in the hands of the boy who had removed Antony off our necks, what honour should have been withheld from him? Though the compliments which I then bestowed upon him were votes of thanks couched in moderate terms, I also had a high command conferred upon him; though this might appear honour indeed for a man of his age, it was none the less indispensable for one at the head of an army - for what is an army without a high command? Philippus carried a motion for a statue, Servius ** made a first proposal for earlier acceptance as a candidate, Servilius followed this up with still higher priority. Nothing at that time appeared excessive.
8 But for some strange reason you will sooner find benevolence in the hour of fear than gratitude in the hour of victory. For after the relief of Brutus, when that most joyful day had dawned upon the community, and by a coincidence that day too was Brutus' anniversary, I carried a motion that the name of Brutus be entered under that date in the state calendar, and therein I followed the example of our forefathers, who bestowed this honour upon the lady Larentia, at whose altar in the Velabrum you pontifices are accustomed to make sacrifice. In paying this tribute to Brutus I wanted to insert in the calendar a permanent record of a most welcome victory. On that day I discovered that in the Senate ill-will commanded somewhat larger numbers than gratitude. At that particular time I showered honours - if you like to put it so - on dead men, Hirtius and Pansa, and even on Aquila. ** Who will find fault with this, except a man who has forgotten his past peril now that his fear is no longer with him ?
9 My grateful recollection of a service rendered was reinforced by a consideration which posterity too might do well to bear in mind ; for it was my wish that everlasting monuments of the public loathing for a most brutal enemy should be raised up in the sight of all. I suspect that you did not altogether approve what was disapproved by your intimates (excellent men, I admit, but unversed in politics), that I carried a resolution conferring upon Caesar the right of entering the city in an ovation. For myself - but perhaps I am at fault, only I am not the man to take the highest pleasure in my own achievements - I do not think that in this war I ever had a sounder idea ; the reason for this I must not disclose, lest I should make an impression of foresight rather than of gratitude. - I am labouring this point too much ; so let us turn to something else. I had honours conferred upon D. Brutus and upon L. Plancus. Theirs are indeed noble natures that heed the call of glory ; but the Senate too shows discretion, in that it offers whatever inducement (consistent with honour) it thinks will serve in each particular case to win a man to the service of the state. But you take me to task about Lepidus: we first set up a statue in his honour on the rostra, then we cast it down. We made an effort to recall him from his madness by honouring him. The infatuation of that most fickle of fellows proved too strong for our precautions; even so, less harm was done in setting up Lepidus' statue than good in casting it down.
10 Enough has been said about honours. Now I must make a few remarks about punishment ; for I have often discerned from your letters that you wish to be given credit for leniency in regard to those whom you have conquered in war. I consider indeed that your wisdom is unfailing; yet I believe that to remit punishment for crimes (for that is what "pardoning" amounts to), however passable it may be on another occasion, is utterly ruinous in this war. For of all the civil wars in our state which I can recall, none were waged on such terms but that whichever side won, at all events some form of republic would have survived. In the present war I should not find it easy to state what manner of republic we shall have, if we are to be the winners ; if we lose, the republic will certainly disappear for ever. I therefore advocated severe measures against Antony and against Lepidus, not so much for retribution's sake, as to discourage and deter evil-minded citizens from attacking their country at the present time, and to set up a warning example for the future, so that none should feel inclined to repeat such acts of madness.
11 And yet this particular measure did not reflect my opinion any more than the universal opinion. You find vindictiveness in this, that the penalty extends to the innocent children. But that is an ancient usage and common to all states, if it be true that even Thermistocles' children were left destitute ; and if the same punishment falls upon citizens condemned by a court, how could we be more lenient towards public enemies ? And what complaint can any man make about me, if he cannot help confessing that if victory had been his he would have treated me more harshly ? You have the reasoned statement of my views on this particular subject of honour and punishment ; I believe you have heard my opinions and pronouncements on other matters.
12 But of course this is not so urgent ; what is highly urgent, Brutus, is that you should come to Italy with your army at the earliest possible moment. We are awaiting you most anxiously. Why, if you land in Italy there will be a general rush to meet you! For suppose we win, and a very handsome victory was ours, had not Lepidus insisted on ruining everything and ruining himself along with his family, we need your moral influence in order to effect some sort of political settlement ; but if we have even now a stiff fight before us, our chief hope rests both in your influence and especially in the might of your army. But make haste, for heaven's sake! You know how much depends on correct timing and on speed.
13 I hope you will perceive from your mother's and sister's letters what an earnest interest I take in your nephews. In their case my chief consideration is to fulfil your desire, which I hold most dear, rather than to be consistent with myself, as some people imagine. But there is nothing in which I would rather be consistent, and show it, than in my affection for you.
[24] L ( 1.16 ) { mid July 43 }
BRUTUS TO CICERO
I have read the short extract from the note which you sent to Octavius: Atticus sent it to me. Your devotion and concern about my safety brought no fresh pleasure to me, for it is not only a usual but a daily experience for me to hear about you, of some loyal or complimentary words or deeds with which you protected my honour. But that part of the letter in which you wrote to Octavius about me brought upon me the most acute distress that I could possibly endure in my mind. For this is how you offer him thanks in matters of state, in such a suppliant and humble tone! What am I to write? I'm ashamed at being in such a position - I'm ashamed of my lot - and yet, write I must. You entrust him with our protection : is that not more disastrous than no matter what sort of death ? Just in order that you may plume yourself, not on the overthrow of autocracy but on a change of autocrat! Consider your own words, and dare to deny that those are the entreaties of a person of servile estate in the presence of a king! There is, so you affirm, one demand and one claim to be made upon him, that he should agree to the safety of those citizens of whom good patriots and the Roman people have a high opinion. Well! Suppose he refuses : will that put an end to our existence? Ah, but I would rather not exist than owe my existence to him !
2 I'll take an oath upon it, I cannot believe that the gods have so little regard for the safety of the Roman people that we must beg Octavius for the safety of any citizen whatsoever - I shall not say for the liberators of the whole world. You see, I take pleasure in high-flown language, and this is clearly appropriate in the face of men who do not know what fears we should harbour, what requests we should make in this case and that. Can you, Cicero, admit that Octavius holds such power, and give him your friendship ? Or, if you have any affection for me, do you want me to show myself in Rome, on the condition that this boy's favour must first be obtained for me, so that I can have my existence there? Why do you offer thanks to him, if you think that application must be made to him, so that our safety shall depend on his consent and sufferance? Or is this to count as a favour, that he chose to be the person, rather than Antony, from whom those favours would have to be begged? Given a true champion against a despotism imposed from outside, not a substitute despot, does any man make humble request to him, that he should permit those who have deserved nobly of the state to live in safety ?
3 It was your faint-heartedness, your abandonment of hope (the blame for which rests no more upon you than upon everyone else), that prompted Caesar to aspire to kingship, and induced Antony after his death to try to usurp the place of him who was slain ; and now it has exalted that boy of yours, leading you to the conclusion that men with a record like ours must obtain security by supplication, and that our safety should even now depend precariously on the mercifulness of one person hardly yet a man, not on anything else. Yet if we had borne in mind that we were Romans, the dregs of mankind would not be more forward in their scramble for despotism than we in making a stand against it, nor would Caesar's monarchy have been more of an incitement to Antony than his death has proved a deterrent.
4 As for you, who have been consul and have avenged crimes of such magnitude - yet I fear that by their suppression you have merely gained a short respite from ruin - how can you contemplate your past achievements and at the same time approve of your friend's actions, or acquiesce in them in such a humble and pliant spirit as to offer a semblance of approval? And what means this privately conducted feud of yours with Antony? Why, because he made these demands, that our lives should be in his gift, that we should hold our position by his leave, though he had received his freedom at our hands, that he should have the last word in the state, was it for this that you thought we should have recourse to arms as a means of beating off despotism - with this result, mark you!, that after beating off one despot we should solicit another to let himself be installed in the former man's place, or (?) that he should be vested with rights of ownership in the state ? Unless maybe we made our protest, not against slavery, but against the particular terms of our bondage. And yet under Antony's benevolent tyranny we could not only have endured our own lot, but we could have enjoyed the greatest preferments and high positions of state that we might have asked for, on a basis of partnership ; for what would he deny to the men in whose passivity he could see a bulwark of his own autocracy ? But no favour carried so high a price as to induce us to sell our loyalty and liberty.
5 This boy in particular, whom the name of Caesar seems to spur on against Caesar's slayers, what price would he offer (suppose this were a matter of haggling), that we should procure him such power as he will of course obtain, seeing that by his goodwill we want to remain alive, and to keep our estates, and to be styled consulars ! Besides, are we taking no precautions lest our old enemy should have perished to no purpose ? How could we rejoice at his death, if now that he is gone we were to remain none the less in bondage ? But may the gods and goddesses strip me of all else rather than of my settled resolve not to give away, I shall not say to the heir of the man whom I slew because I could not tolerate it in him, but even to my own father, should he come to life again, a power that is above the Laws and Senate, with my connivance! Do you really believe that the rest of the people will be free from the man whose favour we must win before we can hold a place within that citizen body ? Moreover, how can you possibly obtain what you are after? You ask that he should consent to our security. Do you think, then, that when we have been given our lives we shall be given our security ? How can we be in receipt of this, unless to begin with we give up our high rank and liberty ?
6 To have your residence in Rome, is that your idea of civic security ? The facts, not the place, must be my guarantee. Neither could I enjoy my full civic rights in Caesar's lifetime, until after I had resolved upon my great deed, nor can I be an exile in any place, so long as I hold slavery and the suffering of indignities in deeper loathing than all other misfortunes. Is this not a relapse into our former dark times, if I must beg the man who took for himself the name of tyrant, that those who avenged and overthrew a despotism should come to no harm, whereas in the Greek states the children of tyrants suffer the same punishment when the tyranny is overthrown ? Could I wish to set eyes on the state, or regard it as a state at all, if it cannot even recover the freedom handed down to it and rammed into it, and feels more alarm at the name of a fallen king, when assumed by a boy, than confidence in itself, though it can see that the monarch himself in the plenitude of his power owed his fall to the courage of a mere handful? No, don't you hereafter commend me to your Caesar, do not commend yourself either, if you will listen to me! You must attach a rare value to those years of life which your present age allows you, if for that reason you are going to fall on your knees before that boy !
7 Furthermore, see to it that your splendid achievements, past and present, in Antony's case, be not transformed from a source of honour for a heroic spirit into one of a reputation for timidity. For if Octavius takes your fancy, the man to whom you would have me apply for security, people will think that you were not shunning a master, but were seeking a more friendly master. Your praise for what he has hitherto done has my unfeigned approval ; for his actions call for praise, provided always that he has undertaken them to break another man's power, not to further his own. But when you conclude that so much power should not only be for him to take, but should be presented to him by yourself, so that he must be asked not to declare himself against our safety, you fix the price of the bargain too high (for you lavish upon him that very authority which he was thought to have procured for the state), and this does not enter your mind, that if Octavius is worthy of any high office because he is waging a war with Antony, the Roman people will never be able to bestow a full measure of recompense upon those who removed the evil of which this is the residue, if in one act it heaps all it has on the shoulders of one man.
8 And observe how much more insistent is men's sense of fear than their memory: seeing that Antony is still alive and in arms, but in Caesar's case, what could and should have been done has been accomplished once for all and cannot now be reversed, Octavius is the man for whose decisions about us the Roman people must wait, and we are the men for whose safety, it would seem, application must be made to one individual! No - to return to what you said - , I am the sort of man who would not merely refuse to make entreaty, but would put under restraint those who demand that entreaty be made to them. Or else I shall hold myself far aloof from those who accept servitude, and shall find Rome for myself wherever a man may still be free; and I shall feel sorry for you, whose love of sweet life neither your age nor your high position, nor the example of courage which others set you, will be able to curtail.
9 For my part I shall be happy in my own eyes if only I hold firmly and without a break to this resolve, that I shall deem myself repaid in gratitude for my devotion to my country. For what is better than the memory of righteous deeds and disregard of human vicissitudes in the pure enjoyment of liberty ? But assuredly I shall not submit myself to the submissive, nor take defeat from those who court defeat ; and I shall attempt and endeavour everything, and I shall never cease to draw our community out of the reach of servitude. If our efforts meet with the fortune which they deserve, we shall all be glad ; if otherwise, I shall be glad even so. For what actions or reflections could better occupy this life of ours than those relating to the liberty of my fellow-citizens ?
10 Cicero, I beg and urge you, do not flag or lose heart; and while you ward off present evils always cast a searching glance upon future ones too, lest they steal in upon you while there is none to cope with them in advance. Understand once for all that the courageous and free spirit with which you championed the state as consul, and now as a consular, goes for nothing without a firm purpose and an even temperament. I grant you that merit well-tried has a more exacting task than merit undiscovered. We require of it a high performance as of right, and when things fall out otherwise we assail men with reproaches for the deception they have practised on us. Therefore Cicero's defiance of Antony calls for the highest praise, yet because it is assumed that the consul of the past is morally bound to set the standard for to-day's consular, no one is impressed.
11 But if the same Cicero should defer to others in his convictions, which he applied so resolutely and in such a grand manner when he bundled Antony out, he will find that he not only has thrown away his reputation for the future, but will also ensure that his past achievements shall be blotted out - for nothing is great in itself that does not bear the plain mark of reasoned judgement - ; because no one man is better fitted to be a patriot and to champion liberty with wise thoughts or brave deeds, or with the devotion and the imperious call to leadership of the entire community. For these reasons we must not beg Octavius to deign to keep us safe. No, no! You must rouse yourself up, and realise that the state which was the scene of your greatest achievements will enjoy its freedom and honour on these terms alone, if the people have leaders who make a stand against the policies of reprobates.
[25] L ( 1.17 ) { early June 43 }
BRUTUS TO ATTICUS
You write to me that Cicero is surprised that I never refer to any of his activities. In view of your insistence, I shall record my opinions as you oblige me to do. I know that Cicero has always acted with the best intentions ; for what could be better approved in my eyes than his high spirit in matters of politics ? But I have the impression that this most sagacious of men has acted on some occasions - how shall I put it ? - unskilfully, or in his personal interest, seeing that he has not hesitated, "for the state's sake," to incur a feud with Antony when at the height of his power. I know not what to write to you, save just this, that Cicero has inflamed rather than checked the boy's ** greed and lawlessness and is lavishing upon him so many signs of obsequiousness, that he cannot refrain from making malicious remarks, which recoil upon him in a double sense, in that he has more than one man's blood on his hands and so must own up to murder on his own part, before he can reproach Casca ** as he does ; and again, when he attacks Casca he follows in Bestia's ** wake. Granted that we do not boast at all hours of the Ides of March, in the same way as he carries the Nones of December ** on his tongue, does that give Cicero a better warrant to cast abuse on our magnificent deed than Bestia and Clodius possessed when they made a habit of carping at his consulship ?
2 Our Cicero boasts to me, that in civilian garb he bore the brunt of Antony's armed assault. Of what benefit is this to me, if the reward claimed for the overthrow of Antony is to be the reversion to Antony's position, and if he who championed us against that evil has taken the lead in raising up another evil which will be more firmly based and more deeply rooted ? Are we to humour him, on the theory that his present doings are inspired by fear of despotism, or of a despot - or of Antony in person? I for my part can feel no obligation to a man who draws the line at serving an angry despot, but does not protest against despotism as such. Nay more, a triumph, pay for the army, an incitation in every decree to brazen it out and scramble for the position of the man whose name he has assumed - is that what one expects of a consular or of Cicero ?
3 Since you would not let me remain silent, you will read things which are bound to annoy you. To be sure I also can feel how much it hurts me to write to you in this strain, and I am well aware what are your views about the state, and how desperate too, though not incurable, you consider its condition. And I swear, Atticus, I do not blame you! Your age, your habits, your family dull your spirit; yes, and our friend Flavius ** too made me realise this !
4 But to return to Cicero. What is the difference between Salvidienus ** and him? Why, what more fulsome honours could the former propose? You say, " he fears even now the aftermath of the civil war." Does anyone hold a war that is as good as won in such dread, as not to give a thought to the power of the man who disposes of the victorious army, nor for the impetuosity of the boy, that these give occasion for the utmost alarm? Is this the reason for his particular line of action, that he thinks that everything should be laid at that man's feet, in anticipation of his demands, as a tribute to his greatness? What fools fear makes of men, that your precautions against the object of your dread should actually have the effect of drawing it on and bringing it over you, when there was a chance of steering clear of it! We carry our fear of death and exile and poverty too far. These of course appear to Cicero as the extremes of misfortune, and so long as he can find people who will give him what he wants and will cultivate and compliment him, he does not disdain servitude, so long as it is servitude with honour - if there can be any honour in suffering the deepest and most ignominious affronts.
5 Let Octavius then call Cicero ''father," submit everything to him, compliment him, and express his gratitude, all the same the fact will show through, that his words are belied by his deeds. For what can be so inconsistent with decent human feeling as to treat like a parent a person who does not even count as a free man? Yet this is the object and proceeding of that worthy fellow, this the goal to which he is driving, that Octavius may be gracious to him. For my part I no longer pay any homage to those arts in which I know that Cicero is most gifted. For of what use to him are those extremely voluminous writings of his In Defence of our Country's Freedom, On Dignified Conduct, On Death, On Exile, On Poverty ? Yet, how much surer a touch in those matters has Philippus, ** seeing that he has given away less to his stepson than Cicero gives away to a stranger. So let him cease positively to pursue us with his boastings and inflame our grief! For what advantage is it to us that Antony has suffered defeat, if his defeat merely serves to put the place which he held at another's disposal ?
6 And yet your letter implies a doubt even now. Very well then! Let Cicero live on as a suppliant and an underling, since he is capable of such things, if he has no respect for his age or high rank or his achievements. For me, I am sure, no terms of servitude will ever be so attractive, but I shall wage war against the real enemy, that is, with monarchy and irregular commands and despotism and a power that presumes to set itself above the laws, no matter how good a man (as you say) Octavius is, though I never took him for that. Indeed, our ancestors would not tolerate despotism even in a parent.
If my affection for you were not as great as is Octavius' fondness for Cicero in Cicero's own conviction, I should not have written to you in this tone. I am sorry that your abundant love for your own folk, and also for Cicero, is causing you vexation; but assure yourself of this, that my personal goodwill is unabated, though my judgement of him is greatly impaired : for you cannot prevent a man from seeing things in that particular light in which they present themselves to him.
7 I wish you had informed me of the terms for our dear Attica's ** betrothal; I should then have been able to give you something of my views. I am not surprised that Porcia's health is causing you anxiety. Finally, I shall be glad to do what you ask me, for your sisters are making the same request. I shall get to know the man and find out his intentions.
[26] L ( 1.18 ) { 27 July 43 }
CICERO TO BRUTUS
Having repeatedly urged you in my letters to come to the rescue of the state as soon as possible, and to bring your army to Italy, and believing as I did that your intimates were in full agreement with me, I was asked by a woman of great capacity and energy, your mother, whose every care centres on you and is wholly exercised on your behalf, to meet her on July 25. This I promptly did, as in duty bound. On my arrival I found Casca there and Labeo and Scaptius. But she put the question and invited my opinion : were we to give you a call, and were we to decide that this was in your interests, or was it better for you to hold back and make no move ?
2 I told her in reply what I felt, that it was in the highest interests of your exalted rank and reputation to bring support at the earliest possible moment to the free state, which is losing its foothold and on the verge of collapse. For what calamity, think you, is lacking in a war in which the victorious armies have refused to pursue a fleeing enemy, and a general ** with his forces intact, endowed with the highest public distinctions and with an ample fortune, with a wife and children and a marriage connexion with you, has declared war upon the state? Why should I say "with such unanimity among Senate and people," seeing that so much evil disposition still lurks within the walls ?
3 But what grieves me most sorely at the time of writing is that when the state accepted me as surety for this stripling - one might almost call him a boy - I hardly seemed in a position to make good my promise. You see, it is a more serious and arduous risk, especially on an issue of paramount importance, to engage on behalf of another one's soul and one's sentiment than to pledge one's money ; for a money pledge can be redeemed, and the forfeiture of one's family property is to be borne, but as for political obligations, how are you to discharge them, if the person on whose behalf you went bail is ready and willing to make a call on you for full payment ?
4 And yet, so I hope, I shall keep my hold even on him, in spite of opposition from many quarters. For he seems to have good natural qualities, but he is pliable at his age, and many are prepared to pervert him: they are confident that the keen edge of his sound character can be blunted by dangling before him the glitter of high office falsely won. So this task has been imposed upon me on top of all the others, that I must bring to bear every device by which I may hold back the young man, lest I be saddled with a reputation for rashness. And yet wherein does the rashness lie? For the obligation rested rather upon the person for whom I stood surety than upon myself; and indeed the state cannot regret that I pledged myself on behalf of a man who owes it as much to my guarantee as to his own character that in the campaign he has been comparatively steadfast.
5 But, unless I happen to be mistaken, the most knotty problem in affairs of state is the lack of financial resources. For men of goodwill shut their ears more and more each day to the call of taxation ; because of brazen under-valuations by the well-to-do, the proceeds of the one-per-cent are being entirely swallowed up by the bonuses for two legions. Moreover we are confronted with unlimited expenditure, both on the armies here, by which we are defended for the present, and also on your forces ; for it seems as if our friend Cassius could arrive here sufficiently equipped. But these and many other matters I want to talk over with you face to face, and that at the earliest possible moment.
6 I did not wait for you, Brutus, to write about your sister's children. Altogether, the mere state of the times (for the war will be a long one) is keeping their case open against your return. But from the outset, when I could not foretell the long duration of the war, I pleaded the case of the boys in the Senate with such force as I believe you may have been able to ascertain from your mother's letters. Indeed there will never be any affair in which I shall not, even at the risk of my life, speak and act in the way which I shall judge to be in accord with your wishes and in your interest.
July 27.
1. Decimus Brutus, who was being besieged by Mark Antony in Mutina.
2. Letters to Friends, x.8.
3. M. Aemilius Lepidus, the future triumvir. At this time he was governor of Gallia Comata, and the husband of Brutus’ sister. He subsequently consented to his brother
4. Antony's adherents.
5. C. Trebonius, one of Caesar's assassins, and governor of the province of Asia. He was treacherously attacked and killed by Dolabella.
6. Gaius Antonius, brother of Mark Antony. Appointed governor of Macedonia, he was defeated and captured by Brutus.
7. A. Fufius Calenus, consul in 47 B.C. Antony's chief spokesman in the Senate. The two Philippies to which Cicero refers here are the fifth and the seventh.
8. The Roman province of Asia (W. Asia Minor).
9. P. Cornelius Dolabella, son-in-law of Cicero, and consul in 44 B.C. Appointed governor of Syria, he invaded Asia without orders.
10. M. Tullius Cicero, junior. He interrupted his studies at Athens in order to join Brutus' army.
11. P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, deputy-governor of Asia after the death of Trebonius. See Letters to Friends xii.14-15.
12. Letter 2. Scaptius was an agent of Brutus (perhaps to be identified with his bailiff in Cilicia —Letters to Atticus v.21, vi. 2).
13. See Letter 3 § 5.
14. This refers to the seduction of Antony's troops by Octavian in November 44 B.C., which in Cicero's opinion prevented a military dictatorship by Antony.
15. Brutus had vetoed a suggestion by his fellow-conspirators, that Antony too should be killed on the Ides of March.
16. Probably to be identified with an obscure partisan of Caesar.
17. M. Caecilius Cornutus, praetor urbanus. In the absence of the consuls, he presided over the Senate.
18. The three brothers Marcus, Gaius and Lucius Antonius.
19. Who had been declared a public enemy.
20. Line 219. (In 6)
21. The battle of Forum Gallorum.
22. Octavian (C. Julius Caesar Octavianus).
23. The consul A. Hirtius won successive victories over Antony's forces at Forum Gallorum (April 14th) and Mutina (April 21st).
24. Decimus Brutus and Octavian.
25. In answer to Letter 9.
26. Decimus Brutus, who had broken out of Mutina.
27. Gaius Antonius.
28. P. Ventidius Bassus, an officer of Antony who brought him reinforcements after the battle of Mutina.
29. By a Lex Domitia of 104 B.C. the election of pontifices was vested in a special electoral assembly of 17 tribes. The collegium pontificum had the right of nomination and of formal congé d'élire.
30. A law of Caesar, not otherwise known.
31. If this had happened, the corporate patricians would at once have nominated an interrex, who would have convened the electoral assembly in place of the deceased consul.
32. In answer to Letter 13.
33. A. Manlius Torquatus, Pansa's quaestor.
34. L. Tillius Cimber, a tyrannicide; governor of Bithynia.
35. C. Flavius, Brutus’ praefectus fabrum.
36. Regarding Cicero's relations with the town of Dyrrachium cf. Letters to Friends xiv.1 § 7 & 3 § 4.
37. L. Calpurnius Bibulus, son of Caesar's old opponent, and stepson of Brutus. He was an officer in Brutus’ army.
38. In the collegium pontificum.
39. M. Apuleius, quaestor in 43 B.C., and one of Brutus’ paymasters.
40. 69-67 B.C., against the Cretan pirates.
41. For Brutus' letter of condolence after Tullia's death, see Letters to Atticus xii.14 § 4 and xiii.6 § 3.
42. By the death of his wife Porcia. See Letter 25 § 7.
43. Fufius Calenus (Letter 3 § 4).
44. Antony. See the eighth Philippic.
45. See Letters 2 § 3, 13 § 3, 15.
46. These two commanders temporarily joined together near Grenoble.
47. Letter 12.
48. With reference to L. Brutus, the first consul, and Servilius Ahala; cf. Letters to Atticus xiii.40 § 1.
49. For Servius Sulpicus Rufus see Letters to Friends iv.1-6. Like Philippus and Servilius, he was prepared to negotiate with Antony.
50. L. Pontius Aquila, a tyrannicide, He was killed in the action at Mutina.
51. Octavian.
52. P. Servilius Casca, one of the leading tyrannicides.
53. L. Calpurnius Bestia, one of Cicero's principal opponents at the time of the Catilinarian conspiracy.
54. December 5th, 63 B.C., was the date on which Cicero executed Catiline's accomplices, after a debate in the Senate.
55. According to Cornelius Nepos (Life of Atticus, 8.3) C. Flavius asked Atticus to take the lead in raising a fund for Caesar's assassins by subscription from the Knights. Atticus refused, though he said that his own fortune was at Brutus' disposal.
56. Q. Salvidienus Rufus, a man of obscure origin who had bound up his fortune with that of Octavian.
57. L. Marcius Philippus, consul in 56 B.C., and stepfather of Octavian. He favoured a compromise between Antony and the Senate.
58. The daughter of Atticus, eventually betrothed to M. Vipsanius Agrippa. (She was only seven years old at the time.)
59. Lepidus.
| Latin | Watt | Cary | Shackleton Bailey |
| 1.1 | 6 | 13 | 13 |
| 1.2 | 7 | 14 | 14 |
| 1.2a | 8 | 6 | 6 |
| 1.3 | 9 | 7 | 7 |
| 1.3a | 10 | 8 | 8 |
| 1.4 | 11 | 10 | 10 |
| 1.4a | 12 | 11 | 11 |
| 1.5 | 13 | 9 | 9 |
| 1.6 | 14 | 12 | 12 |
| 1.7 | 15 | 20 | 19 |
| 1.8 | 16 | 15 | 15 |
| 1.9 | 17 | 19 | 18 |
| 1.10 | 18 | 18 | 17 |
| 1.11 | 19 | 16 | 16 |
| 1.12 | 20 | 22 | 21 |
| 1.13 | 21 | 21 | 20 |
| 1.14 | 22 | 23 | 22 |
| 1.15 | 23 | 24 | 23 |
| 1.16 | 24 | 25 | [25] |
| 1.17 | 25 | 17 | [26] |
| 1.18 | 26 | 26 | 24 |
| 2.1 | 1 | 1 | 1 |
| 2.2 | 2 | 3 | 3 |
| 2.3 | 3 | 2 | 2 |
| 2.4 | 4 | 4 | 4 |
| 2.5 | 5 | 5 | 5 |
Attalus' home page | 29.05.26 | Any comments?