Cicero : Philippic 14

This speech was delivered against Marcus Antonius, in April 43 B.C.

The translation is by W.C.A. Ker (1926). Click on the L symbols to go to the Latin text of each section. Click on ** to go to the translator's footnotes.

[1.] L   [1] If, as from the letter which has been read, conscript fathers, I have learned that the army of our accursed enemies has been cut to pieces and dispersed, I had also learned what we all of us especially long for, and think has followed from the victory which has been achieved, namely, that Decimus Brutus has already come out of Mutina, then, as on account of his danger we had assumed military garb, so on account of his safety I should without any doubt propose that we should return to our ancient dress. But before the event which the community most eagerly waits for has been reported, it is sufficient to indulge delight for a most important and glorious battle; but reserve the return to the garb of peace for the completion of victory. But the completion of this war is the safety of Decimus Brutus.

[2] But what does the proposal mean that our dress should be changed for to-day, and that to-morrow we should go forth in military garb? Nay, when we once return to the dress we desire and long for, let us see to it that we keep it for evermore. For it is not only disgraceful, but not even pleasing to the immortal Gods themselves, that we should depart from their altars, which we approached in the civic gown, to assume the garb of war. [3] And I remark, conscript fathers, that certain Senators favour this proposal, their wish and design being this: as they see that the day will be a very glorious one to Decimus Brutus on which, on account of his safety, we shall return to civic dress, they desire to rob him of this honour that it may not be handed down to posterity that on account of a single citizen's peril the Roman people assumed military garb, and on account of his safety returned to the civic gown. Take away this reason, and you will find none for so perverse a proposal. But do you, conscript fathers, preserve your authority, abide by your determination ; keep in your memories, as you have often made plain, that the issue of all this war centres in the life of a single most valiant and eminent man.

[2.] L   [4] For the relief of Decimus Brutus were sent as envoys the chief men of the community, to warn that enemy and murderer to depart from Mutina; for the preservation of the same Decimus Brutus a consul chosen by lot has set out to war, Aulus Hirtius, whose weakness of health his strength of spirit and the hope of victory have re-established ; Caesar, when he had raised an army by his own efforts, and had freed the State from the first outbreak of danger, in order that no such crime should afterwards arise, has set out to relieve the same Brutus, and has overcome some pain on private grounds ** by his love of his country. [5] What was Caius Pansa's object in holding levies, raising money, proposing the sternest decrees of the Senate against Antonius, encouraging us, and calling the Roman people to the cause of liberty, but the relief of Decimus Brutus? From him the Roman people in full assembly so earnestly demanded with one voice the safety of Decimus Brutus that they set that not merely before their own advantage, but even before the necessity of daily food. This object we, conscript fathers, ought to hope is on the eve of fulfilment, or fulfilled already ; but it is fitting that the fruition of our hope be reserved for the actual event, lest we seem, either by our haste to have anticipated the kindness of the immortal Gods, or by our folly to have despised the might of Fortune.

[6] But since your manner sufficiently declares your feeling on this matter, I will come to the letter that has arrived from the consuls and the propraetor, ** if I may first say a few words which are pertinent to the actual letter.

[3.] L   The swords of our legions and our armies have been dipped, conscript fathers, or rather steeped, in the blood shed in the two battles of our consuls, and in the third one of Caesar. If that blood was the blood of enemies, the devotion of our soldiers was supreme, a monstrous crime if it was of citizens, How long then shall he who has surpassed all enemies in crime be without the name of enemy ? or do you wish the very weapons of your soldiers to waver in doubt whether they should be plunged into a citizen or into an enemy? [7] You decree a thanksgiving ; an enemy you do not call him. Truly welcome will be our thanks, welcome our victims, to the immortal Gods when there has been slain a multitude of citizens! ** "Yes," he says, "for the victory over unprincipled and audacious men" ; for that is the name the most illustrious Senator ** gives them. Such adjectives belong to urban law-suits, they are not the marks that brand internecine war. They are forging wills, I imagine, or are ejecting their neighbours, or cheating striplings; for it is men affected with these vices and such like whom it is customary to call "bad" or "audacious." [8] The one most savage of all brigands is carrying on an inexpiable war against four consuls; ** he is waging the same war against the Senate and the Roman people; all men - though the evil he works is to his own ruin - he threatens with destruction, devastation, tortures, and racks; Dolabella's brutal and savage deed, one that no barbarous people could acknowledge, he testifies was committed by his advice ; and what he would have attempted in this city, had not this our Jupiter himself repelled him from this temple and our walls, he has shown in the calamity he brought upon the citizens of Parma. There most excellent and honest men, bound by the closest ties to maintain the authority of this order and the dignity of the Roman people, were put to death in the most cruel ways by that vile wretch and monster Lucius Antonius, that mark for the hatred of all men, or - if the Gods too hate those they should hate - of the Gods as well. [9] My mind recoils, conscript fathers, and dreads to utter what Lucius Antonius did to the children and wives of the men of Parma. For the infamies to which the Antonii willingly submitted ** to their own disgrace, they rejoice to have inflicted by violence on others. But the violence they offered them is disastrous: shameful the lust with which the life of the Antonii is stained. Is there then any man not bold enough to call these men enemies, by whose crimes he admits the cruelty of the Carthaginians has been surpassed ?

[4.] L   For in what city, when he had captured it, was Hannibal as savage as Antonius has been in Parma, which he had seized by stealth ? ** unless perhaps he is not to be regarded as an enemy of this colony, and of the rest towards which he is of the same mind! [10] But if he is without any doubt the enemy of the colonies and boroughs, what think you is he towards this city which he has lusted for to glut the indigence of his brigandage, the city which that skilled and cunning surveyor Saxa had already apportioned by his ten-foot rule? ** Recall, in Heaven's name, conscript fathers, what our fears have been these two days past ** from most unscrupulous rumours spread by domestic enemies. Who without tears could look on his children, his wife, his home, his roof, his familiar Household Gods? All were thinking either of a most shameful death or of a most wretched flight. Do we hesitate to call enemies the authors of these fears? If any suggest a harsher name, I will gladly assent to it; with the usual word I am scarcely content; a milder one I will not use.

[11] Accordingly, since we are bound, from the letter which has been read, to decree thanksgivings most justly due, and since Servilius has proposed them, I will in all increase the number of days, especially as they are to be decreed in honour, not of one, but of three generals. But my first task shall be to call them imperators ** by whose valour, judgment and good fortune we have been rescued from the utmost perils of slavery and death. For to whom these twenty years has a thanksgiving been decreed without his being called imperator, though his exploits may have been very small or sometimes none at all ? Wherefore a thanksgiving should either not have been proposed by the previous speaker, or the customary and recognised honour should be awarded to those to whom even new and special ones are due.

[5.] L   [12] If anyone had killed a thousand or two thousand Spaniards, or Gauls, or Thracians, the Senate would style him imperator according to this custom which has prevailed; now, when so many legions have been slain, such a multitude of enemies killed - enemies do I say? yes, I repeat, enemies, however much those domestic enemies of ours dislike this name - shall we award the honour of a thanksgiving to most illustrious generals and yet deprive them of the name of imperator? For with what honour, amid what joy and congratulation, ought those actual liberators of this city to enter this temple, when yesterday, on account of their exploits, the Roman people carried me from my house to the Capitol in ovation, ** and all but in triumph, and thence brought me back home? [13] For that, and that only, is in my opinion a true and genuine triumph when, to those that have deserved well of the State, testimony is borne by the unanimous voice of the community. For if, amid a general rejoicing of the Roman people, they were congratulating one man, it is a great certificate of merit; if they returned thanks to one man, it is so much a greater; if they did both, no more magnificent testimonial can be imagined.

"Are you then speaking of your own self?" someone may say. Indeed, I do so unwillingly, but the pain caused by a sense of wrong ** has made me boastful beyond my habit. Is it not enough that by men without knowledge of virtue thanks to those who have well served the State are refused? shall envy search for a charge of rashness against those also who devote all their care to the safety of the State? [14] For you know that during the last few days there has been a widely spread rumour that at the Parilia - that is, to-day - I proposed to come down into the forum with the fasces. ** I should imagine this tale was concocted against some gladiator, or brigand, or Catiline, not against the man who ensured that no such thing could ever be possible in the State. Is it to be believed that I who, when Catiline had this design, removed him, overthrew him, crushed him, should myself suddenly prove a Catiline? Under what auspices should I, an augur, receive those fasces? how long should I possess them? to whom should I transmit them? To think there was any man so wicked as to invent this, so insane as to believe it! Whence then came that suspicion, or rather whence sprang that rumour?

[6.] L   [15] When, as you know, within the last three or four days a depressing report from Mutina was prevalent, disloyal citizens, puffed up with joy and insolence, gathered into one place, into that meeting-place of the Senate which proved unpropitious to their own frenzy rather than to the State. ** There, as they were planning our massacre, and were dividing the tasks among themselves, who should seize the Capitol, who the rostra, who the city-gates, they thought the citizens would flock around me. And that this fact should result in my unpopularity, and even in peril to my life, they spread abroad that report about the fasces; they proposed to bring the fasces to me with their own hands, When this had been done, as it were, with my consent, then an attack on me, as against a tyrant, by hired bravoes was organised; after which a massacre of you all would have followed. This plot the event, conscript fathers, has laid bare; but in proper time the fountain-head ** of all this wickedness shall be disclosed. [16] And so Publius Apuleius, the tribune of the plebs, the witness, confidant, and helper ever since my consulship in all my counsels and perils, could not bear the grief caused by my grief; he held a very great public meeting of the Roman people whose sentiments were identical with his. At that meeting, while he was proceeding, in accordance with our close connexion and intimacy, to free me from the suspicion concerning the fasces, the whole meeting with one voice declared that no thought of mine on public affairs was other than entirely loyal. After the holding of this meeting, within two or three hours there arrived the messengers and letters with the news we had most longed for; so that the same day not only freed me from a most unjust odium, but also distinguished me by the collective congratulations of the Roman people.

[17] I have interposed these remarks, conscript fathers, not so much as an apology for myself - for I should be in a poor way if I were insufficiently exculpated in your eyes without a defence - as that I might advise, as I have always done, certain persons of too puny and narrow a spirit to regard the virtue of excellent citizens as worthy of imitation, not of envy. Great is the field open in the State, as Crassus used wisely to say ; many are they for whom the path to fame is open.

[7.] L   I would indeed those chiefs of the State were alive who after my consulship, though I myself gave way to them, saw me not unwillingly in the chief place! But at this time, in so great a dearth of resolute and brave consulars, with what grief do you suppose I am filled, when I see some disaffected, others utterly careless, others with small resolution to abide by the cause they have undertaken, and regulating their opinions not always by the advantage of the State, but now by hope, and now by apprehension? [18] But if anyone is anxious to compete for leadership - and there should be no such competition - he acts most foolishly if he compete with virtue by means of vice; for, as speed is overcome by speed, so in brave men virtue is overcome by virtue. Will you, if my feelings towards the State are most loyal, in order to overcome me, yourself entertain feelings the most treasonable? or, if you see that good men flock to me, will you invite to your side the reprobate? Not so should I wish it, first for the sake of the State, in the next place also of your honour. But if leadership were at issue, a thing I have never sought, what, pray, could I desire more? for by evil votes I cannot be overcome, by good perhaps I might be, and willingly.

[19] That the Roman people sees this, remarks it, and judges of it certain persons are annoyed. Could it be that men should not judge of each man according to each man's deserts? For as of the Senate as a whole the Roman people most truly judges that at no period of the State has this order been more firm or more courageous, so concerning each of us, and most of all us who on this bench express our opinions, all men enquire, and long to hear what each man's opinion was, and thus they think of each one according to their view of his deserts. They keep it in mind that I on the twentieth of December ** was the chief instrument in the recovery of our liberty ; that I since the Kalends of January ** to this hour have watched over the State; [20] that my house and my ears have been open day and night to the advice and warnings of all men; that by my letters, my messengers, and my encouragements, all men, wherever they might be, have been stirred up to guard their country ; that never by votes of mine since the Kalends of January have envoys been sent to Antonius; that I have always called him an enemy, always this a war; so that I, who on every occasion had been the adviser of genuine peace, was hostile to this name of a pestilent "peace." [21] Have not I too always regarded Publius Ventidius as an enemy when others wished for him as tribune? ** Had the consuls been willing to allow these proposals of mine to go to a division, by the very authority of the Senate the weapons of all those brigands would long since have fallen from their hands.

[8.] L   But what was then not allowed, conscript fathers, is at this time not only allowed, but also imperative, that those who are enemies in fact should be branded in plain terms, and declared by our votes to be enemies. [22] Before now, when I had used the terms "enemy " and " war," not once but oftener, they removed my proposals from the number of proposals, but in the present case that cannot any longer be done; for, according to the despatches of Caius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius the consuls, and of Caius Caesar the propraetor, we are giving our votes on the question of honour being paid to the immortal Gods. He who just now proposed a thanksgiving at the same time unconsciously declared them to be enemies; for a thanksgiving has never been decreed in civil war. Decreed do I say? It has not been demanded even in a victor's despatch.

[23] Sulla as consul waged a civil war; when he had brought his legions into the city he expelled those whom he chose; those whom he could he slew; there was no mention of a thanksgiving. A serious war with Octavius followed ; no thanksgiving was decreed to Cinna though he was victor. Sulla as imperator avenged the victory of Cinna ; no thanksgiving was decreed by the Senate. ** Did your colleague, ** Publius Servilius, send you yourself any despatches about the most calamitous battle of Pharsalia? did he wish you to move for a thanksgiving? Certainly he did not wish. But he sent you despatches afterwards about Alexandria, about Pharnaces ; but for the battle of Pharsalia he did not even hold a triumph; for that battle had destroyed citizens who might have lived, and even conquered, without risking the safety and prosperity of the State. [24] And the same thing had happened in former civil wars. For when I was consul the thanksgiving decreed to me, though there had been no armed conflict, was not on account of the slaughter of enemies, but on account of the preservation of citizens, and by a new and unprecedented procedure.

Wherefore you must either publicly refuse our generals a thanksgiving though they demand it for their most successful exploits - a thing that has happened to no one but Gabinius ** - or by decreeing a thanksgiving you must necessarily declare those to be enemies against whom you make your decree.

[9.] L   What, therefore, Servilius does in effect, I also do by words, when I call them "imperators" ; by this very name I adjudge as enemies both those who have been already conquered and those who survive, when I call the victors imperators. [25] For by what name should I better call Pansa, although he has a name ** of the fullest honour? by what Hirtius? He is indeed consul; but the one name springs from the kindness of the Roman people, the other from his valour and his victory. Again, Caesar, ** one begotten by the favour of the Gods for the benefit of the State - should I hesitate to call him imperator? a man who first turned the savage and foul cruelty of Antonius away, not only from our throats, but even from our limbs and vitals. And of that one day how many and how great, O immortal Gods, were the acts of heroism! [26] For Pansa took the lead of all in joining battle in conflict with Antonius, a general worthy of the Martian legion, as the legion was worthy of its general. If Pansa had been able to check its most vehement onslaught the affair would have been ended in a single battle. ** But when the legion, greedy for liberty, had impetuously burst into the enemy's line, and Pansa himself was fighting in the foremost ranks, after he had received two dangerous wounds he was carried out of the battle, and reserved his life for the State. I truly regard this man, not only as an imperator, but a most noble imperator, who, having promised to satisfy the State either by death or by victory, has achieved the one; may the immortal Gods avert the omen of the other!

[10.] L   [27] What shall I say of Hirtius ? who when he had heard of the affair led out two legions with astonishing zeal and valour; the Fourth, which had deserted Antonius and formerly attached itself to the Martian; and the Seventh, composed of the veterans, which showed by this battle that the name of the Senate and of the Roman people was dear to those soldiers who had preserved Caesar's grants. ** With these twenty cohorts, but with no cavalry, Hirtius, himself carrying the eagle of the Fourth legion - no more glorious figure of any general is there in history - came in conflict with the three legions and the cavalry of Antonius, and overthrew, routed, and slew the nefarious enemies that were threatening this temple of Jupiter the Best and Greatest and the remaining temples of the immortal Gods, the houses of the city, the liberty of the Roman people and our lives and bodies, so that with very few companions, under the cover of night, and overcome by panic, the chief and leader of the brigands took to flight. Oh, what supreme happiness was that of the very sun, which, before its setting, while the corpses of murderers were strewn on the field, saw in flight with few followers Antonius !

[28] Will anyone, in fact, hesitate to call Caesar imperator? His age assuredly will not deter any man from such a vote, seeing that by valour he has overcome age. And to me the services of Caius Caesar have always appeared the greater in proportion as they were, by reason of his age, less to be required of him; for, when we gave him the general's command, ** we at the same time conferred on him those hopes of ours which that name implied, and, as he has fulfilled them, he has by his own deeds justified the authority of our decree. So this young man, one of the highest spirit, as Hirtius most truly writes, protected with a few cohorts a camp formed for many legions, and fought a successful battle. Accordingly, by the valour, judgment, and good fortune of three generals of the Roman people, in a single day and in several places, the State has been preserved.

[11.] L   [29] I propose, therefore, in the name of those three, a public thanksgiving of fifty days; ** the reasons, in the most complimentary terms I can, I will include in the vote itself.

It appertains, moreover, to our good faith and humanity to declare to our most valiant soldiers how mindful of them we are, and how grateful. Wherefore I propose that our promises, including those boons which we have engaged to confer on the legions at the close of the war, should by to-day's senatorial decree be renewed; for it is fair that the soldiers, especially such soldiers as these are, should be associated with their generals in honour. [30] And would it were in our power, conscript fathers, to pay their due rewards to them all! we will, however, be careful to pay with usury those promises we have made. But that is reserved, as I hope, for the victors, ** to whom the pledged word of the Senate will be made good; and as they, at a most difficult crisis for the State, have adhered to it, it behoves us that they should never regret their resolve. But it is easy to deal with those who even when they say no word seem to solicit us ; what is more admirable, and greater, and most incumbent on a wise Senate, is to accompany with grateful memory the valour of those that have been prodigal of their lives for their country's sake. [31] Would that more ideas in their honour occurred to my mind! Two things at least I will not pass over which especially occur to me, the one relating to the everlasting glory of most valiant men, the other to the alleviation of the mourning and grief of their relations.

[12.] L   It is therefore my wish, conscript fathers, that to the soldiers of the Martian legion, and to those that, fighting by their side, have fallen, there be raised a monument in the noblest possible shape.

Great and marvellous are the services of this legion to the State. This legion was the first to break away from the brigandage of Antonius; this garrisoned Alba; this came to Caesar's aid; by copying this, the Fourth legion has won an equal renown of valour. The Fourth conquered without the loss of a single man; of the Martian some have fallen in the very hour of victory. O fortunate death, the debt to nature, best paid on behalf of country! [32] you I verily regard as born for your country; your very name is from Mars, so that it seems the same God begot this city for the world, and you for this city. In flight death is disgraceful ; in victory glorious; for Mars himself is wont to claim out of the battle-line the bravest as his own. ** Those impious wretches then whom you have slain will even among the shades below pay the penalty of their treason ; but you who have poured out your last breath in victory have won the seats and abodes of the pious. Brief is the life given us by nature; but the memory of life nobly resigned is everlasting. And if that memory had been no longer than this life of ours, who would be so mad as, by the greatest labour and peril, to strive for the utmost height of honour and glory? [33] It has been well then with you, most valiant while you lived, but now also soldiers most revered; for your virtue cannot be entombed, either in the forgetfulness of those who now are, or in the silence of posterity, when, almost with their own hands, the Senate and the Roman people have reared to you an immortal monument, There have been in the Punic, Gallic, and Italian wars many armies glorious and great, yet on none of these has honour of such a kind been bestowed. And would that we could bestow greater, since from you we have received what is greatest! You turned from the city the furious Antonius; you, while he was striving to return, repelled him. There shall therefore be erected a mass of splendid workmanship and an inscription cut, an everlasting witness to your divine valour; and in your praise, whether men shall behold your monument or shall hear of it, never shall language of the deepest gratitude be silent. Thus, in exchange for life's mortal state, you will have gained for yourselves immortality.

[13.] L   [34] But since, conscript fathers, the reward of fame is being paid to citizens most loyal and most brave by the honour of a monument, let us console their relatives, whose best consolation is indeed this: for parents, that they have begotten such staunch bulwarks of the State; for children, that they will have in their families models of valour; for wives, that they have lost husbands whom they will more fitly praise than mourn ; for brothers, that they will trust to find in themselves a resemblance in virtue as well as in body. And would that we could by our votes and resolutions wipe the tears from all their eyes, or that some such public oration could be addressed to them as to make them lay aside their mourning and sorrow, and rejoice rather that, whereas many various kinds of death impend over men, ** that which was the most glorious kind of all has been the fate of their kinsmen ; and that they are neither unburied nor abandoned - and yet this too is deemed no piteous lot when met for the sake of. the fatherland - nor burnt with humble ceremonies by scattered graves, but sepulchred with public labour and offerings, and beneath a pile that shall be to the memory of eternity an altar of Virtue. [35] Wherefore it will be the greatest consolation to those near to them that on the same monument is recorded the valour of their kindred, and the affection of the Roman people, and the good faith of the Senate, and the memory of a most cruel war, in which, had not such valour of the soldiers been shown, by the treason of Marcus Antonius the name of the Roman people would have perished.

And I also propose, conscript fathers, that the rewards we promised to give the soldiers when the State had been re-established should be fully paid with interest, now the time has come, to the surviving victors; and when any of them to whom those promises were made have fallen in their country's cause, I propose the same rewards should be given to their parents, children, wives and brothers.

[14.] L   [36] But that I may at last sum up in a proposal, I move as follows: "Whereas Caius Pansa, consul and imperator, has made a beginning of conflict with the enemy by a battle in which the Martian legion with admirable and marvellous valour has defended the liberty of the Roman people, an example followed by the legions of recruits; and Caius Pansa himself, consul and imperator, while engaged amid the weapons of the enemy, has received wounds; and whereas Aulus Hirtius, consul and imperator, when he heard of the battle and learned what had happened, with the most courageous and excellent spirit led his army out of the camp and attacked Marcus Antonius and the army of the enemy, and made an utter slaughter of his forces with such impunity to his own army that he lost not a single man; [37] and whereas Caius Caesar, propraetor and imperator, has by his skill and care happily defended his camp, and routed and slain the forces of the enemy that approached his camp: on that account the Senate considers and declares that, by the valour, generalship, skill, firmness, steadfastness, greatness of mind, and good fortune of those three imperators, the Roman people has been freed from most disgraceful and cruel slavery. And whereas they have preserved the State, the city, the temples of the immortal Gods, and the goods and fortunes of all citizens, and their children, in a struggle for, and at the peril of, their lives, the Senate decrees that on account of those feats of arms well, bravely, and happily achieved, Caius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius, consuls and imperators, the one or both of them, or in their absence Marcus Cornutus, the urban praetor, shall institute a public thanksgiving for fifty days at all the couches of the Gods.

[38] "And whereas the valour of the legions has proved worthy of their most noble generals, the Senate will, with the greatest zeal, now the State has been re-established, make good the promises heretofore made to our legions and armies; and whereas the Martian legion has been the foremost in coming into conflict with the enemy, and has contended so successfully with superior numbers of the enemy as to slay many of them and to take some prisoners ; and whereas they have without any reluctance poured out their life-blood for the sake of their country; and whereas with similar valour the soldiers of the remaining legions have, on behalf of the safety and the liberty of the Roman people, met with death; that it is the pleasure of the Senate that Caius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius, consuls and imperators, one or both of them, if it seem good to them, shall, in honour of those that have shed their blood on behalf of the lives, liberty, and fortunes of the Roman people, on behalf of the city and the temples of the immortal Gods, take steps for the letting-out of a contract for the erection of a monument of the most noble kind; and shall command the urban quaestors to give, appropriate, and pay funds for that work, that there may be extant, to the everlasting memory of posterity, a record of the crime of our most cruel enemies, and of the Heaven-inspired valour of our soldiers; and that the rewards which the Senate has before appointed for the soldiers be paid to the parents, children, wives, and brothers of those that have fallen in this war for the sake of their country; and that the same rewards be given to them as should have been given, had they survived their victory, to the soldiers themselves who have become victors by death." **


[fr.1]   Marcus Tullius in the Philippics, Book IV : What! did this senatorial decree cause you to fling yourself secretly out of the city ? {Non. p. 373. 29.}

[fr.2]   Marcus Tullius in the Philippics, Book XIV : To falter, to hesitate, not to know where to turn. {Non. p. 182. 8.}

[fr.3]   Cic. Phil. XVI : The controversy has been decided. That quarrel was not decided by war. {Arus. Mess. p. 225, Lind.}

[fr.4]   Cic. Phi. XVI : He turned aside from his purpose. Laterensis ** did not turn aside even for a single step. {Arus. Mess. p. 225, Lind.}

[fr.5]   Those whom we now commonly call muleteers, that is to say, those that drive and control beasts of burden yoked to vehicles, the ancients used, as you notice, to call coachmen; but they properly called muleteers those that, for their own profit, carried on a business in beasts of burden of this kind, although even in the Philippics Cicero had called Ventidius a muleteer for the reason that he had contracted with the Revenue to supply the beasts of burden necessary for an army. {Scholiast Bob. ad Or, pro Mil. 10, Vol. II, p. 286. 2, ed. Orelli.}

Ventidius after being the muleteer of Caesar the dictator, as Tullius states in his letters ** and in the Philippics, was, by the patronage of Antonius and Augustus, advanced to such a stage of eminence that the command of the Parthian war was entrusted to him. {Schol. on Juv. vii. 199, p. 287, Jahn.}


1.   i.e. his grief for the death of his adoptive father J. Caesar. D. Brutus was one of the conspirators.

2.   Caesar Octavianus.

3.   ie. Antonius' soldiers if they are not to be regarded as enemies.

4.   P. Servilius, the proposer of the public thanksgiving.

5.   The four mentioned in the note on Phil. xiii. 16.

6.   Cf. Phil. ii. 18.

7.   C. presumably means that a conqueror would be more severe to a town that had resisted him.

8.   As to S. cf. Phil. xi. 5.

9.   During which there had been rumours of Antonius' success.

10.   In earlier times the title of 'imperator' was conferred on a general by his soldiers after a victory ; but by Cicero's time a practice had grown up under which it was conferred by the Senate, and later on by the Emperors: Tac. Ann. iii. 74.

11.   The word is, of course, used metaphorically. An ovation was a lesser form of triumph.

12.   Because of the invidious charge he proceeds to mention.

13.   The symbols of power, e.g. of a dictatorship.

14.   C. perhaps means the Curia Pompeii where Caesar was murdered.

15.   C. probably means Calenus.

16.   The date of the third and fourth Philippics,

17.   The date of the fifth Philippic, when he proposed that A. should be declared an enemy.

18.   As to V. cf. note on Phil. xiii. 48.

19.   These are incidents in the civil wars of 88-82 B.C., Sulla being the leader of the senatorial, Cinna and Marius of the popular party. Oct. was the colleague in 87 of Cinna in the consulship.

20.   J. Caesar, consul with S. in 48 B.C.

21.   Proconsul of Syria in 57 B.C. Was refused a supplicatio for some small successes against the Arabs: cf. Cic. ad Q. Fr. ii. 8.

22.   That of consul.

23.   C. Octavianus.

24.   The impetuosity of the Martians brought Pansa's forces into danger in the first battle of Mutina.

25.   As compared with those veterans who had "devoured" them (Phil. xiii. 2), and afterwards joined A.

26.   By the decree of Jan. 1 (Phil. v. 17) giving him the title of propraetor.

27.   A most unprecedented honour.

28.   The legions opposing A. when they had won a complete victory.

29.   A reminiscence of Soph. Phil. 437. A similar sentiment is found in Aesch. Fr. 52 and Eur. Fr. 649 and 721.

30.   A reminiscence perhaps of Hom. Il. 12. 326.

31.   So ends the last spoken word of C. that has come down to us. Arusianus Messius, however, a grammarian of the fifth century A.D., quotes a few lines from a sixteenth Philippic ( fragments 3 & 4 ).

32.   Juventius Lat. served as a legate in the army of M. Lepidus, and committed suicide when Lep. joined Ant. King infers from the fragment quoted that Phil. xvi. was spoken after the receipt at Rome of the news of Lepidus' junction with Ant.

33.   Ad Fam. 10. 18.

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